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S 75 ' 

THE MUSEUM OF MEDITERRANEAN AND NEAR EASTERN A 


MEDELHAVSMUSEE 



BULLETIN 



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The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities 

ME DELHAVSMUSEET 


BULLETIN 

Number 4 1964 


Published by The Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities (Medelhavsmuseet) 


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CONTENTS 


Vier Stelen und eine Opfertafel aus Deir el-Medineh 

STHN V. wAnGSTEDT 3 

Two Royal Heads from Amama 

BENGT JULIUS PETERSON 13 

An Italic Iron Age Hut Urn 

ARVID ANDREN 30 

An Italic Iron Age Belt Plate 

ARVID ANDREN 38 

Vaso d’impasto a decorazione graffita con teoria di animali fantastici 

ANNA MURA 42 

A Horseman from Asia Minor 

Are Akerström 49 

A New Variant of the Helena Myth 

OLOF VESSBERG 54 


Published with the aid of a grant from Humanistiska Forskningsrädet 

® 1963 Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm 
Editorial and Distribution Office: 

Medelhavsmuseet, Storgatan 41, Stockholm ö, S weden 

Stockholm 1963 

Victor Pettersons Bokindustri AB 


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Vier Stelen und eine Opfertafel aus Deir 
el-Medineh 


STEN V. WÄNGSTEDT 


Im Jahr 1961 erhielt die ägyptische Sammlung 
des Medelhavsmuseet einen sehr wertvollen 
Zuschuss durch den Erwerb von drei Grabstelen, 
alle aus Deir el-Medineh. Den Stelen sind in dem 
Inventarverzeichnis des Museums die Nm. MM 
18565, MM 18566 und MM 18567 gegeben 
worden. Zwei der Stelen, Nr. 18565 und Nr. 
18566, sind nahezu unbeschädigt, während von 
der dritten, Nr. 18567, nur die rechte Hälfte er- 
halten ist. 

Der Erwerb dieser Stelen war insofern wert- 
voll, als das Museum bisher nur zwei aus Deir 
el-Medineh stammende Denkmäler, eine Stele 
MM 32000 und eine Opfertafel MM 32001, 
besä ss 1 * * . 

Von den drei Stelen, welche vor dem Erwerb 
einem Privatsammler gehörten*, war nur eine, 
Nr. 18565, vorher bekannt. Diese Stele ist von 

1 Früher im Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, NME 28 
und NME 20 (J. D. C. Lieblein, Katalog öfver egyptiska 
fomlemn ingar i National- Museum, Stockholm 1868, S. 
24 und S. 21). Die beiden Denkmäler, welche dem im Jahr 

1928 gegründeten Ägyptischen Museum als Deposition 

übertragen wurde, sind von Maria Mogensen publiziert 
worden (Stiles ägyptiennes au Mus6e National de Stock- 
holm, Copenhague 1919, S. 45 f. und S. 30.). Da die 
Denkmäler in der angeführten Arbeit etwas summarisch 
behandelt sind, scheint mir eine erneute Veröffentlichung 
begründet zu sein. 

* Branddirektor Sven Arwidsson, Lidingö. 


dem russischen Ägyptologen Boris Turaieff ver- 
öffentlicht und nach einer Zeichnung aus einem 
handschriftlichen Katalog über ägyptische Anti- 
quitäten wiedergegeben worden*. Der Katalog, 
den Turaieff in dem Rumjantseff-Museum in 
Moskau gefunden hatte, war auf Französisch 
und rubriziert „Cette collection a appartenu a 
Ms Lidman, ministre du culte Protestant, qui 
voyagea en Egypte 1815”. Da es von grossem 
Interesse ist, von diesem Katalog Kenntnis zu 
nehmen, sind in Moskau Nachforschungen un- 
ternommen, welche aber bis heute erfolglos ge- 
blieben sind 4 . 

Der Besitzer der Kollektion ist mit dem schwe- 
dischen Theologen und Orientalisten Sven Fred- 
rik Lidman identisch, der von etwa 1811 bis 1817 
als Prediger bei der Schwedischen Gesandt- 
schaft in Konstantinopel angestellt war. Wäh- 
rend seiner Reisen im Vorderen Orient hatte er 
eine erhebliche Sammlung von Antiquitäten, 
u.a. ägyptischen, zusammenbringen können, die 


*Zapiski Klassitsheskogs Otdelenia Imperatorskogo 
Russkogs Arkheologitcheskogo Obshtchestva, Vol. 2, 
Petersburg 1913, S. 17 ff. 

4 Herrn Dr. Staffan Dahl von der Königlichen Biblio- 
thek in Stockholm, der es gütig übernahm zu versuchen, 
den Katalog aufzuspüren, bin ich zu grossem Dank ver- 
pflichtet. 


3 


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aber im Jahr 1818 in Konstantinopel zum gröss- 
ten Teil durch Feuer vernichtet wurde. 

Wann und woher der oben genannte Privat- 
sammler die Stelen erworben hat, ist mir un- 
bekannt. Ebenso dunkel ist das Schicksal der 
linken Hälfte der Stele Nr. 18567. 

Über die beiden Denkmäler MM 32000 und 
MM 32001 liegen nur sehr dürftige Notizen vor. 
Im Jahr 1826 wurde die ägyptische Sammlung 
des damaligen Königlichen Museums durch eine 
Stiftung des schwedischen Vizekonsuls in Ale- 
xandria, Giovanni d’Anastasy gegründet. Kein 
erforderliche Aufschlüsse enthaltendes Verzeich- 
nis über die erhaltenen Antiquitäten scheint aber 
angelegt worden zu sein. Dasselbe gilt auch für 
die Stiftung des ehemaligen schwedischen Bot- 
schafters beim Ottomanischen Tor, Nils Gustaf 
Palin, im Jahr 1833 gemacht 4 * * , sowie für spätere 
Schenkungen 4 . Es dürfte aber nicht ganz un- 
wahrscheinlich sein, dass die beiden Denkmäler 
schon 1826 dem Museum übergeben worden 
sind 7 8 * . 

Stele (Abb. 1) 

MM 18565®. Material: Kalkstein. Grösse: 34 x 
x 22,5x5 cm. 

Datierung: 19. Dynastie. Herkunft: Deir el- 
Medineh. 

Die oben gerundete Stele ist in zwei wage- 
rechte, hauptsächlich bemalte Darstellungen tra- 
gende Register eingeteilt. Vor der Farbengebung 
der verschiedenen Darstellungen ist die Fläche 


4 In einem Königlichen Brief vom 24. Aug. 1833 wird 

von dieser Stiftung nur gesagt, dass dem Museum eine 
grosse Menge ägyptischer Antiquitäten verehrt wurde. 

• Die Schenkung eines Schiffsreeders Polack sowie 
wiederholte Schenkungen von G. d’Anastasy. 

7 Aus einem Königlichen Brief vom 31. Aug. 1826 geht 
hervor, dass die Stiftung u.a. „Tolf fyrkantiga Kalkstens- 
Pilastrar af ätskilliga storlekar, föreställande, i upphöjdt 
arbete. offerscener, samt dessutom prydde med hiero- 
glyphiske inhuggningar” enthielt. Die Bezeichnung „Kalk- 
stens-Pilastrar” bezieht sich aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach 
auf „Grabstelen”, worauf auch die begleitende Beschrei- 
bung hindeutet. 

8 Berta Porter & Rosalind Moss, Topographical 

Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, 

Reliefs and Paintings, 1:2, Oxford 1964, S. 734. 


der Stele mit einer gelblichen Grundfarbe über- 
zogen worden. 

Das obere Register zeigt in Flachrelief und 
gegeneinandergewandt den Ibisköpfigen Mond- 
gott Iah* und die als Schlange wiedergegebene 
Erntegöttin Renenut 10 . Der Kopf des Mond- 
gottes, weiss mit schwarzem Schnabel und rotem 
Auge, ist von einer dunkelblauen, in breiten 
Streifen endenden Perücke umrahmt und mit 
dem Emblem des Gottes gekrönt. Das Emblem, 
in Gestalt eines von einer Sichel umgegebenen 
Mondballs, ist aus gelbbraun gestrichenem 
Feuerstein hergestellt und mit Zement in Aus- 
sparungen in der Stele festgehalten 11 . Der Gott, 
der sitzend dargestellt ist, trägt einen breiten, 
dunkelbraun gefärbten Halskragen und hält in 
der auf den Knien ruhenden linken Hand eine 
Schreibpalette 1 *. Der Körper und die Palette 
sind rotbraun bzw. braun. Vor dem Gottes- 
emblem steht /) '*][* *] | „Iah, der grosse Gott” 13 . 

Der Kopf der Göttin Renenut ist von einem 
Rindergehöra mit Sonnenscheibe gekrönt, von 
denen die letztere in Gestalt eines eingelassenen, 
rotbraun gefärbten Feuersteinknollens (teilweise 
abgesplittert) ist. Das Gehörn ist in schwarzer 
Farbe gezeichnet. Der äusserst detailliert aus- 


• Über diesen im thebanischen Gebiet verehrten Gott 
siehe H. Bonnet, Reallexikon der ägyptischen Religions- 
geschichte, Berlin 1952, s.v. Joh. 

10 Über diese Göttin siehe Bonnet, a. A., s. v. Ther- 
mutis. 

11 Vgl. J. Cerny, Egyptian Stelae in the Bankes Collec- 
tions, Oxford 1958, Nr. 4. 

14 Die Schreibpalette, das Attribut des Gottes Thot, 
zeigt, dass Iah als eine Form des Thot aufzufassen ist. 
Die Identifizierung der beiden Götter miteinander, 
welche in der 18. Dynastie stattfand, geht u. a. aus dem 
Namen lah-Thot hervor, unter welchem der Mondgott 
nicht selten auftritt. Vgl. R. Lanzone, Dizionario di 
mitologia egizia, Vol. 1, Torino 1881, PI. 36 f.; AZ 72, 
1936, PI. 7:4; B. Bruy£re, Rapport sur les fouilles de 
Deir el-Medineh (1935-1940), Fase. 2, Le Caire 1952, 
PI. 10. Vgl. auch Bonnet, a. A. 

13 Statt „der grosse Gott” ist auch die Lesung des 
Epithetons als „der gute Gott” ( ntr ttfr) möglich. 


Abb . 7. Stele des Ramose (MM 18565). 


4 


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geführte Schlangenkörper ist dunkelbraun, mit 
den verschiedenen Einzelheiten in schwarz, 
weiss, braun und rot. Die begleitenden Texte 
lauten: ® „der Re" (über der Sonnen- 

scheibe) bzw. ^ 2, »die Rene- 

nut”“. 

Das untere Register zeigt in Flachrelief einen 
Mann in adorierender Stellung vor den von 
Kartuschen umschlossenen Namen Ramses II. 
(R c - mit-mrj-lmn ) ( Wir-m l c . t-R c - Stp-n-R c ) 
knieend. Er trägt eine geflochtene schwarze Pe- 
rücke 1 *, einen kurzen, in schwarzer Farbe an- 
gedeuteten Kinnbart, Halskragen und Arm- 
bänder und ist mit einem gefalteten, teilweise 
braun gefärbten, weissen Gewand bekleidet. Die 
unbedeckten Körperteile sind rotbraun. 

Die Kartuschen sowie die einzelnen Zeichen 
der Königsnamen sind in Flachrelief und in 
verschiedenen Farben gemalt. Auf den freien 
Flächen neben dem knieenden Mann steht die 
folgende Inschrift: 

40 ! 

„Gemacht von dem königlichen Schreiber an der 
Stätte der Wahrheit 1 *, Ramose, den Seligen, den 
Sohn des Amenemheb, geboren von der Haus- 
frau Kakaia, der Seligen." 

Ramose, für welchen diese und die folgende 
Stele (Nr. 18566) gemacht worden sind, ist aus 
mehreren anderen Denkmälern (u.a. Stelen) be- 
kannt 17 . Als einer der reichsten Einwohner der 
besonderen Stadtbildung, in der die Arbeiter 
und Künstler wohnten, die mit dem Aushauen 
und der Schmückung der Felsengräber der 

14 Der Name der Göttin ist hier mit Artikel geschrieben. 
Vgl. griech. Wef}ioöth;. 

15 Ein längeres Modell der kurzen nubischcn Perücke. 
Vgl. C. Aldred, BMMA XV, 6, 1957, S. 141 ff. 

16 „Die Stätte der Wahrheit” als Bezeichnung des 
Grabes des Königs (bzw. der Königin) in der Nekropole 
Thebens. 

17 Porter & Moss, a. A., S. 861. 


Könige und Königinnen des Neuen Reiches be- 
schäftigt waren, und der unter dem Namen Deir 
el-Medineh bekannt ist, hat er sich in der Stadt- 
nekropole drei Gräber anlegen lassen 1 *. Ramose 
hat eine hervorragende amtliche Stellung in der 
Arbeiterstadt bekleidet, was u.a. aus den auf 
einer seiner Grabstelen notierten Titeln hervor- 
geht 1 *. In dem 5. Regierungsjahr des Ramses II. 
wurde er zum „Königlichen Schreiber am Grab 
des Königs" ernannt*. 

Stele (Abb. 2) 

MM 18566* 1 . Material: Kalkstein. Grösse: 32,3 x 
x 20,5x4 cm. 

Datierung: 19. Dynastie. Herkunft: Deir el- 
Medineh. 

Die oben gerundete Stele, die bis auf einige in 
der linken Seite lokalisierte Beschädigungen gut 
erhalten ist, enthält eine an den Sonnengon 
Amun-Re gerichtete Anrufung. Unten rechts 
erscheint der Anrufende, knieend und mit in 
Adoration erhobenen Händen. Der Adorant, 
derselbe Ramose wie auf der Stele Nr. 18565, ist 
in vertieftem Relief dargestellt. Er trägt eine 
halblange Perücke“, einen Halskragen und ein 
plissiertes Gewand. Von der ursprünglichen Be- 
malung sind nur die gelblichbraune Grundfarbe 
der Stelenfläche und schwache Spuren der rot- 


l * Nr. 7, 212, 250. Porter & Moss, Bibliography etc., 
1:1, Oxford 1960. 

lf Auf einer seiner Grabstelen nennt er sich „Vorsteher 
des Schatzhauses in dem Hause (Tempel) des Menchepe- 
rure (Thutmosis IV.)”, „Vorsteher der Verwaltung in dem 
Hause des Vorstehers der Siegelträger”, „Viehschreiber 
des Amun-Re”, „Hilfsbriefschreiber des Kronprinzen 
(Ramses II.)”, „Vorsteher der Arbeiten im westlichen 
Theben” und „Vorsteher des Schatzhauses an der Stätte 
der Wahrheit” (Cern*, a. A., Nr. 4). Uber die Biographie 
des Ramose siehe, Bruy£re, Rapport sur les fouilles de 
Deir el-Medineh (1935-1940), Fase. 3, Le Caire 1952, S. 
13 ff. 

10 Vgl. Cerny, ib. 

11 Porter & Moss, Bibliojptphy etc., 1:2, S. 734. 

** Die Perücke hat hier eine andere Form als in Nr. 
18565. 


Abb. 2. Stele des Ramose (MM 18566). 


6 


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braunen Farben der unbedeckten Körperteile 
des Adoranten erhalten. 

Die Anrufung, die neun senkrechte Zeilen 
umfasst, lautet folgendermassen: 


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3ÜT44t}T*ll^4 

P ^27 l| « /VW ** r ^ 

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Ok 

*8 ^ — ' *ww\ 
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cd °Vf 

’TitPlSÜÜlF' — i °52P*JfL! 


” Von dem Stier ist der Schwanz sichtbar. 

,4 Zur Ergänzung vgl. Recueil de Travaux rclatifs etc., 
2, 1880, S. 176: XXXI; 3, 1882, S. 104: CiV; 4,1883, S. 
147:XXVIII. Zur Orthographie vgl. die angeführten 
Beispiele. 

85 Wohl so zu ergänzen. 

” Der Schreiber hat zuerst ein ^=7 geschrieben, das 
in ein X-^. umändert worden ist. 


8 


„(1) Gepriesen sei Amun-Re, der [Stier] in The- 
ben, der herrliche Gott, der sich über die Wahrheit 
freut in diesem seinem Namen von Hor-Achti 
[-Tum, dem Herrn der beiden Länder, dem 
Heliopolitaner, gross] an Kraft, Herrscher der 
Neunheit, der (2) [grosse Gott, der] sich selbst 
[erzeugt] hat, der für den Bedarf der Menschen 
und der Götter sorgt und den Hapi gebracht 
hat für ihre Nahrung, und (der) alle Menschen, 
Untertanen, (und) Menschen am Leben erhalt. 
(3) [Er] hört die Armen, wenn (sie) ihn anrufen. 
Er gibt ein Begräbnis dem, der ihm untertänig 
ist. Du lässt mich schauen deine Schönheit jedes- 
mal, wenn Du aufgehst. Meine Augen sehen 
Deine Strahlen . . . (4) . . . Gegrüsst sei Du, der 
Erste seines Frauenhauses. O Grosser, Oberster 
der Götter! Ich preise Dich bis zur Höhe des 
Himmels. Ich preise Dein Antlitz. (5) Sei mir 
gnädig in Deinen Erscheinungsformen an jedem 
Ort, in dem Du bist. Ich jauchze, weil ich Dich 
liebe in (6) Deinen Gestalten als Leuchtender. 
Mein Körper ist gesund bei dem Begleiten deines 
Ka an seinem Fest am Jahrestag. (7) Möge 
(mein) 17 Name genannt werden nach Jahren, 
wie jeder Gerechte. Möge jeder Bittsteller erhört 
werden (8) jedesmal, wenn Re am Himmel auf- 
geht. Für den Ka des königlichen Schreibers an 
der Stätte der Wahrheit, Ramose, des Seligen, 
des Dieners des Ptah, der seine Lehre kennt.” 

Stele (Bruchstück) (Abb. 3) 

MM 18567”. Material: Kalkstein. Grösse: 20,2 x 
x 14,5x3,4 cm. 

Datierung: 19. —20. Dynastie. Herkunft: Deirel- 
Medineh. 

Von der oben gerundeten Stele, die für einen 
Arbeiter in der königlichen Nekropole, namens 
$|(1 ^ Mesu, gemacht worden ist, ist nur die 
in drei Stücke zerbrochene, rechte Hälfte er- 
halten. Die Vorderfläche der Stele ist mit einer 
gelblichen Grundfarbe bestrichen und in zwei 
Register eingeteilt. 

87 Das Personalsuffix im Text ausgelassen. 

88 Porter & Moss, Bibliography etc., I: 2, S. 725. 


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Das obere Register zeigt, in vertieftem Relief, 
das Sonnenschiff mit dem Sonnengott Shu. 
Von dem letztgenannten ist nur ein Teil der 
Beine auf dem Bruchstück sichtbar. Vor dem 
Gott sind sein Name, hier ß O \ $ „der 
Shu” (Pshu) geschrieben**, die Symbole ^ 30 und 
das schutzbringende Horusauge wdl.t. 


In dem unteren Register sind — in vertieftem 
Relief — die Frau und der Sohn des Mesu in 
adorierender Stellung dargestellt, welche eine 
Anrufung an den Himmelsgott rezitieren. Über 
ihnen steht ^ ™ /) ^ 31 „(die) Hausfrau 

Sheri[-Re]” bzw.: 


» Vgl. Cerny, a. A., Nr. 6. 

30 Nach J. Cap art ist das Symbol ein Substitut für den 
Gott Seth, der mit seiner Lanze die Schlange Apophis und 
die Feinde des Gottes tötet (Ä Z, 36, 1898, S. 126.). 



„sein Sohn Huj, der Selige”. 

Die ursprünglich in bunten Farben gemalten 
Darstellungen sowie die vorkommenden In- 
skriptionen sind ziemlich flüchtig ausgeführt. 
Der Anruf, von dem der Schluss erhalten ist, 
lautet: 

„( x — 1) ... Du gehst unter (?). Ich kenne (2) 
das Gesagte. Deine Stärke (3) gehört den Fischen 
des Meeres (4) (und) den Vögeln des (5) Himmels. 
(Gesagt) von dem Diener der Stätte der Wahr- 
heit (6) Mesu, dem Seligen, seiner Gattin, der 
Hausfrau (7) Sheri-Re, der Seligen, seinem Sohn 
(8) Huj, dem Seligen.” 

Der Anruf der ziemlich kurzgefasst ist 31 , wird 
— wie aus dem Text hervorgeht — auch von 
Mesu hergesagt, der vor seiner Frau abgebildet 

31 Das Zeichen für Re ( O I ) im Text ausgelassen. 

32 Die fehlende Stelenhälfte, dürfte kaum mehr als vier 
Textzeilen enthalten haben. 

Abb. 3. Stele des Mesu (MM 18567). 


9 


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gewesen ist (auf dem Bruchstück ist die Umriss- 
linie der Unterseite seines linken Fusses deutlich 
erkennbar) 3 *. 


Stele (Abb. 4) 

MM 32000 34 . Material: Kalkstein. Grösse: 33 X 
x23x2,5 cm. 

Datierung: 19. Dynastie. Herkunft: Deir el- 
Medineh. 

Die oben abgerundete Stele ist in ihrem unte- 
ren Teil durch tiefgehende Absplitterungen stark 
beschädigt. Die Vorderseite ist in zwei Felder 
geteüt, mit vorkommenden Bilddarstellungen in 
vertieftem Relief. 

Das obere Feld zeigt den falkenköpfigen Gott 
Harsiese, auf einem Sessel sitzend 35 . Er trägt die 
Doppelkrone (zum grössten Teil ausgetilgt), eine 
lange geflochtene Perücke, breiten Halskragen, 
Armbänder und ist mit einem eng anliegenden 
gefalteten Lendenschurz bekleidet. In der vor- 
gestreckten linken Hand hält er das »vls-Zepter, 
in der rechten das c /iA-Zeichen, das Symbol des 
Lebens. Vor dem Gott steht ein schmaler hoher 
Opfertisch mit einem Libationsgefäss. Hinter 
dem Sessel ist ein Symbol J abgebildet* 6 . 

Uber dem Gott steht die folgende, zum Teil 
zerstörte Beischrift: 

■m? «usiM »Einair 

„Horus, Sohn der [Isis], der Herrscher [der Göt- 
temeunheit].” 

88 Mesu und seine Familie ist m. W. nur aus diesem 
Stelenbruchstück bekannt. 

34 Vom Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, deponiert (NME 
28). Porter & Moss, Bibliographie etc., I: 2, S. 726. 

88 Über den Gott Harsiese siehe Bonnet, a. A., S. 275 f. 

88 Für andere ähnliche Symbole vgl. z.B. Catalogue 
g6n£ral des antiquit£s ögyptiennes du mus6e du Caire, 
Stiles du Nouvel Empire, Nr. 34070 und 34073, K. Lange- 
M. Hirmer, Aegypten, München 1955, PI. 128, Maria 
Mogensen, La collection igyptienne de la Glyptotheque 
Ny Carlsberg, Copenhague 1930, PI. CI1. Vgl. auch 
Recueil de Travaux relatifs etc. 27, 1905, S. 173 f. 

37 Zur Ergänzung vgl. Hieroglyphical Texts etc. from 
Egyptian Stelae in the British Museum, Part V, London 
1914, Nr. 467, PI. 43. 


Abb. 4 . Stele des Nachi (MM 32000). 


Vor dem Gott verrichtet ein Mann ein Rauch- 
opfer. Dieser trägt eine lange Löckchenperücke, 
Halskragen und Armbänder und ist mit einem 
von den Hüften bis auf die Unterschenkel reich- 
enden, gefälteten Doppelschurz bekleidet. Er 
hält in der einen Hand ein Gefäss mit brennen- 
dem Weihrauch, dessen Unterständer (?) hinter 
ihm steht. Über und hinter dem Opfernden steht: 

„der grosse Künstler an der Stätte der Wahrheit, 
Nachi, der Selige**.” 

In dem unteren Feld sind drei Verwandte des 
Nachi, knieend und mit erhobenen Händen, dar- 
gestellt. Zwei von ihnen halten in der einen Hand 
ein Gefäss mit brennendem Weihrauch. Alle drei 
tragen, wie Nachi, eine lange Löckchenperücke, 
den üblichen Hals- und Armschmuck und wahr- 
scheinlich auch denselben gefälteten Doppel- 
schurz. 

Die Verwandten, deren Namen die begleiten- 
den Inschriften anzeigen, sind: 


1 ^^ 2 

n ... t 




„Sein Sohn, der Diener an der Stätte der Wahr- 
heit, Buqentuef, der Selige; sein Enkel Qen, der 
Selige; sein Enkel Nachi, der Selige.” 


Opfertafel (Abb. 5) 

MM 32001 40 . Material: Kalkstein. Grösse: 37,5 x 
35 x 8,5 cm. 

Datierung: 19.— 20. Dynastie. Herkunft: Deirel- 
Medineh. 

Die Opfertafel, von einem beschrifteten Rah- 
men mit angeschlossenem Ausgussvorschuss um- 
geben, hat die Form der Hieroglyphe . 


** Nach Bruy^re soll Nachi mit Ramose verwandt sein 
[Rapport . . . (1935-1940), Fase. 3, S. 15]. 

89 Das letzte Zeichen ist auf der Stele hinter das Perso- 
nendeterminativ senkrecht geschrieben. 

40 Vom Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, deponiert (NME 
20). Porter & Moss, Bibliography etc., 1:2, S. 744. 


11 


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Abb. 5. Opfertafel des Tjtu (MM 
32001). 


Die Fläche der Tafel ist mit in vertieftem Relief 
ausgeführten Darstellungen verschiedener Opfer- 
gaben gefüllt, die — wie es scheint — einer ab- 
sichtlichen Zerstörung ausgesetzt worden sind. 
Die folgenden Darstellungen lassen sich indessen 
mit ziemlicher Gewissheit identifizieren: ein 
Korb oder Gefäss, mutmasslich mit Früchten 
irgendeiner Art, zwei grössere runde Kuchen 
und zwei lange Brote. Uber je einem der Kuchen 
liegt ein Fleischstück (?) 41 und oben rechts ein 
Lotusstrauss sowie ein Fleischstück. Die übrigen 
Opfergaben sind unidentifizierbar. 

Die auf dem Rahmen gegenseitig angeordne- 
ten Inschriften lauten: 


o 




„Der König sei gnädig und gebe ein Opfer (und) 
Djeser-ka-Re 42 , der Sohn der Sonne, Amenho- 
tep, der ewig und immerdar mit Leben beschenkt 


41 Oder Zwiebelbündel? 

42 Der Vorname des Königs Amenophis I. (1 536 - 1 5 1 7 
v. Chr.). 


12 


ist. Gemacht von dem Diener an der Stätte der 
Wahrheit Tjai 4 *” 

„Der König sei gnädig und gebe ein Opfer (und) 
das Gottesweib Ahmes-nefertere, möge sie ewig 
und immerdar leben. Gemacht von dem Diener 
an der Stätte der Wahrheit Tjai.” 

Die Wunschformel der Opfertafel sind an die 
beiden als Schutzgötter der thebanischen Nekro- 
pole verehrten königlichen Personen, Amenophis 
I., den ersten König der 18. Dynastie, und seine 
Mutter Ahmes-nefertere, die als die erste wirk- 
liche „Gottesgemahlin des Amun” zu betrachten 
ist, gerichtet. Der Kult wurde vor allem von den 
Nekropolenarbeitem in Deir el-Medineh betrie- 
ben 44 . 


42 Tjai ist nur aus diesem Denkmal bekannt. 

44 Vgl. Cerny, Le culte d* Amenophis I« chezles ouv- 
riers de la necropole tWbaine (B1FAO 27, 1927, S. 159 
ff.); vgl. auch Bonnet, a. A., S. 20 f. 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 


Two Royal Heads from Amama 

Studies in the Art of the Amama Age 


BENGT JULIUS PETERSON 


The radical and profound structural change in 
Egyptian religion and art that may be observed 
during the brief period of time in the fourteenth 
Century B.C. which is named the Amama Age, 
had in its ideas and concept existed earlier, 
but latently. The great breakthrough came, how- 
ever, with the accession to the throne of Ameno- 
phis IV and, along with a reform of religion, led to 
a unique departure in the case of art from the con- 
ventional and conservative pattem which Egyp- 
tian art had followed for centuries. 

The religious revolution of Amenophis IV, 
which involved a monotheistic worship of Aton, 
the sun-disc, had been prepared beforehand. 
This divinity was not the king’s creation 1 * , but 
the stressing of it was largely the work of the 
king. The reformation quickly gained a hold, as 
in certain circles it was a distinct help in meeting 
the religious needs of the period. 

The art that was now created in conjunction 
with the new religous ideals, is chiefly characteri- 
zed by a widespread striving after truth and reality 
in representations and, especially in those of the 
human form, by a conscious accentuation of the 

1 Cf. W. Wolf, Vorläufer der Reformation Echnatons, 
ZÄS 59, 1924, pp. 109 ff.; M. & J. Doresse, Le culte 

d’Aton sous la XVIIIe dynastie avant le schisme amar- 

nien, Journal Asiatique 233, 1941 —42, pp. 18 ff. 


individual, while nevertheless displaying a 
thorough stylization. Similar trends in art, prim- 
arily in tomb painting, had already been noted 
in the time of Thutmosis IV, some fifty years 
before the Amama Age, as has long ago been 
pointed out by various scholars*. These currents 
show a breaking up and a disintegration of the 
classical, traditional phase in Egyptian art and 
become more marked in the reign of Amenophis 
III 3 . 

The definitive breaking through of these ten- 
dencies comes with Amenophis IV, when a new 
art develops, yet an art which cannot be said 
to be a direct development or an efiect of the 
earlier disintegration. The adoption of a new 
art is intimately connected with the religious 

* E.g. W. Spiegelberg, Geschichte der ägyptischen 
Kunst bis zum Hellenismus, Der Alte Orient, 1. Ergänz- 
ungsband, Leipzig 1903, p. 69; F. W. von Bissing, Denk- 
mäler ägyptischer Skulptur, Textband, München 1914, 
text to pl. 72, 82 & 83; N. de G. Davies, Bulletin Metropo- 
litan Museum of Art, Part II, December 1923, pp. 40 ff; 
idem, Akhenaten at Thebes, JEA 9, 1923, pp. 132 ff; F. 
Balodis, Echnatons Kunstreform, Filologu biednbas 
raksti II, Riga (1924), p. 76; M. Wegner, Stilentwickelung 
der thebanischen Beamtengräber, MDAIK IV, 1933, p. 
160; J. Wilson, The culture of Ancient Egypt (The bürden 
of Egypt), Chicago 1958, p. 214. 

* Cf. H. Schäfer, Amama in Religion und Kunst, 7. 
Sendschrift d. Dt. Orient-Gesellschaft, Berlin 1931, p. 43; 
J. Vandier, Manuel d’archöologie 6gyptienne III, Paris 
1958, pp. 331 ff; W. Wolf, Die Kunst Ägyptens, Stuttgart 
1957, pp. 536 ff. 


13 


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reformation. The old art represented a tradition 
— that of the old gods and their cult— foreign to 
the new ideals, and there was a desire to break 
with it. Art in the reign of Akhenaten, the name 
taken by Amenophis IV in Connection with his 
reforms, turns away from the idealism which 
had previously been almost paramount, notably 
in the religious and royal representations, that is 
to say in nearly all fashion-setting art 4 * * . 

For all the innovations in religion and art 
Akhenaten himself, more or less dependent on 
the circle that had gathered round him, was the 
deliverer and the dominating figure. His own 
interest was probably personal and one may 
assume, as is customary, that he himself gave 
the incentives and directives to the working 
artists*. One cannot sufliciently stress what such 
initiative can have meant for the special charac- 
ter of the Amama art. 

As to locality, the new art was chiefly restricted 
to the king’s immediate environment. Its first 
monuments were from the earliest years of his 
reign at Thebes, but it was later concentrated 
to the new Capital which he founded at Amama 4 . 
There it was the royal family and the small circle 
around it who were the chief art patrons. It is 
notable that the monuments from Amama are 
almost totally confined to representations of 
royal persons, especially in the case of sculpture 
in the roimd, the kind of representations which 
in the reign of Amenophis III, like thetomb 
painting somewhat earlier, had been affected 


4 Cf. E. Meyer, Geschichte d. Altertums 11:1*. Stuttgart 

A Berlin 1928, p. 386. 

4 An often quoted phrase illustrating the king’s inte- 
rest is one of the titles of the sculptor Bek: “he whom 
His Majesty himself taught”. Text in F. W. von Bissing, 
Denkmäler zur Geschichte der Kunst Amenophis IV, 
Sitzungsber. d. Königl. Bayer. Ak. d. Wiss., Phil, philo- 
log. und hist. Klasse 1914:3, Mlinchen 1914, p. 6. 

• An urgent need is a closely detailed study of the 
topographical distribution of the characteristic monuments 
of the time of Akenaten. There is e.g. the Medamoudques- 
tion, see R. Cottevieille-Giraudet, Les reliefs d’ Ameno- 
phis IV Akhenaton, FIFAO XIII, Le Caire 1936. Further, 
a full publication of e.g. the Sesebi excavations would be 
of great help, forfinds see B. Porter & R. Moss, Topogra- 
phical bibliography VII, Oxford 1951, pp. 173 f. 

14 


by disintegrating tendencies 7 . Private art is rare, 
particularly as regards sculpture in the round. 
The tombs of nobles display the typical art of 
Amama in abundance, although several elements 
in their execution are still linked with old and 
purely Theban features* of style, but the wall 
decorations are mostly concemed with figures of 
the royal family. 

The art of Amama does not break completely 
with the tradition of Egyptian art. It is, however, 
no natural development of different currents in 
art, but a conscious accentuation of certain ten- 
dencies of that time, a stressing of certain com- 
ponents that would serve a new Programme of 
art. The fundamental conventions remain un- 
changed however, the old fundamental ideas 
being merely altered a trifle. It is above all the 
style of the works of art that is changed. It be- 
comes expressive, exaggerated, outre; the ideal- 
ism and the harmony disappear. The iconogra- 
phical schemes are changed, because now new 
values underlie them, which were formerly unac- 
ceptable. The most violent departures from the 
old stylistic ideals may be observed in the earliest 
of Akhenaten’s monuments, those at Thebes. 
With the move to Amama and with the deathof 
Amenophis III, the characteristic, exaggerated 
style is toned down and becomes milder and 
gentler; its sensuality is accentuated. A new ide- 
alism is created in art*. 

The direct origins of the Amama art, its back- 
ground and prehistory, as well as the origins of 
the two different stylistic phases which it contain- 
ed, have in fact only been dealt with by scholars 
in general terms. Some aspects of this problem 
will now be considered. 

7 Vandier, Manuel III, p. 331. 

* Pcrhaps too much stressed in Bissing, Denkmäler zur 
Geschichte der Kunst etc., p. 15. The internal develop- 
ment within the tomb decoration of Amama shows, side 
by side with the newly introduced stylistic elements, an 
association with the disintegrating tendencies that set in 
during the reigns of Thutmosis IV and Amenophis III, 
and thus a gradual liberation from the Theban refined 
style. 

• Cf. J. Capart’s wording in his artide on Egyptian art 
in The Legacy of Egypt, (Mord 1942, p. 105. 


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Spiegelberg suggested in his history of Egyp- 
tian art published in 1903, that Akhenaten in- 
troduced and adopted the vulgär art, a “Volks- 
stil” in place of the “Hofstil” 10 . This, according 
to Spiegelberg, is a special style that had always 
existed and was used for representations of popu- 
lär scenes as distinct from representations of 
gods and kings 11 . 

In his synthesis of the culture and history of 
the Amarna Age, primarily based on the results 
of the British excavations, Pendlebury puts for- 
ward a hypothesis about the background of the 
Amarna style“. He puts the fall of Crete and 
Knossos circa 1400 B.C. in immediate relation 
to the art of Amarna. Artists from Crete left 
their island and sought refuge in Egypt. These 
artists, in the opinion of Pendlebury, took part 
in the creation of the Amarna art. However, he 
does not point to any concrete material for his 
hypothesis. 

Many scholars have, like Pendlebury, in Con- 
nection with the art of that time, named Crete as 
a vital factor in the entire or partial development 
of the art of Amarna, especially referring to the 
mural paintings of the palaces 18 . It is easy to try 
to elucidate the background of the Amarna art 
by reference to the Aegean culture, particularly 
in Crete. This island was indeed one of the most 
important maritime powers in the Mediterranean 
having Communications with both Egypt and 
other countries, primarily various trading centres 
in the eastern Mediterranean. The Communi- 
cations with Egypt were particularly evident 
during the 18th dynasty, as is clearly seen not 
least from concrete finds both in Egypt and 

1# Spiegelberg, op. cit., p. 63. 

11 Idem, op. cit., pp. 22 ff. 

“J. Pendlebury, Teil el- Amarna, London 1935, pp. 
124 ff. 

18 Schäfer, op. cit., pp. 47 f; G. Steindorff, Die Kunst 
der Ägypter, Leipzig 1928, pp. 77 & 87; F. W. von 
Bissing, Der Fussboden aus dem Palaste des Königs 
Amenophis IV zu el Hawata, München 1941, pp. 33 ff; 
W. C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt II, Cambridge Mass. 
1959, p. 290; B. de Rachewiltz, Kunst der Pharaonen 
(Incontro con Tarte egiziana), Zürich & Stuttgart 1959, 
p. 99. 


Crete, although these Communications are hardly 
likely to have been direct to any great extent; 
the route from the Aegean world to Egypt went 
mainly via the Syrian coast 14 . Reciprocal com- 
munication— direct or indirect— declined after 
the sack of Knossos and thus, at the time of 
Akhenaten, cannot have been a culture-promo- 
ting factor 14 . The suggested influence on art from 
Crete to Amarna applies chiefly to painting. 
Several motifs in this are said to be borrowed 
from Crete 14 . In the case of sculpture there is 
no material for comparison, as large sculpture 
is entirely lacking in the Minoan culture. 

The earliest style, almost bordering on carica- 
ture, which appears on the first monuments at 
Thebes, has been partially explained by Aldred 
in his drawing attention to the fact that when 
these monuments were executed Akhenaten had 
only young, untrained artists at his disposal, 
since the older and skilled ones were engaged 
upon the monuments of Amenophis III 17 ; Akhe- 
naten was, as suggested by many scholars (see 
note 30), at the beginning joint regent with his 
father. The break with tradition, the new ideas 
inspired by Akhenaten, the less skilled artists 
and the lack of direct prototypes for the new 


14 Cf. H. R. H. Hall, Egypt and the extemal world in 
the time of Akhenaten, JEA 7, 1921, pp. 39 ff; for finds 
see i.a. J. Pendlebury, Aegyptiaca, a catalogue of Egyp- 
tian objects in the Aegean area, Cambridge 1930; valuable 
is the thorough examination in A. Furumark, The Settle- 
ment at Ialysos and Aegean history c. 1550—1400 B.C., 
Opuscula Archaeologica VI = Acta Instituti Romani 
Regni Sueciae XV, Lund 1950; direct Communications 
with Crete cannot beexcluded, cf. J. Vercoutter, L’Egyp- 
te et le monde 6g£en pr6hell6nique, Le Caire 1956, pp. 
417 ff. 

14 The Communications weit irregulär and infrequent, 
cf. Hall, op. cit.: Amama’s foreign contacts chiefly con- 
cemed “mainlanders of Mycenae, Rhodians of Ialysos 
and Cyprians of Enkomi”, p. 50. Further F. Matz, 
Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 6:2, Handbuch der 
Archäologie II, München 1954, p. 271. 

14 E.g. the “flying gallop” motif and various details in 
the omamentation; fairly general recourse to nature 
motifs and a predilection for representations of animals 
and plants, cf. H. Frankfort, The mural painting of 
El-‘Amameh, London 1929; D. Fimmen, Kretisch-myke- 
nische Kultur, Leipzig & Berlin 1921, pp. 197 ff. 

17 C. Aldred, New Kingdom Art in ancient Egypt*, 
London 1961, p. 25. Cf. also G. Benedite, A propos d’un 
buste 6gyptien, Mon. Fond. Piot XIII, 1906, pp. 6 ff. 


15 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 



art, were the causes of the exaggerations of thc 
first period, according to Aldred. Upon thc 
death of Amenophis III, his artists entered the 
Service of the new king; at the same time the 
exaggeration is reduced, but also the empha- 
tic expressiveness of the art; the credit for this 
must lie with the older artists trained with other 
stylistic ideals, when they had been set to work 
on the new art Programme. 

The art of Amarna cannot be made clear in a 
few words; it was many-sided and made up of 
many different components. The views put for- 
ward here give some of the background, but are 
partially without relevance. Spiegelberg’s dis- 
tinction of “Hofstil” versus “Volksstil” is irrele- 
vant, as in fact we cannot speak of such a pro- 
nounced stylistic contrast within Egyptian art 18 . 
It is not entirely correct when he distinguishes 
between two styles, because in actual fact it is not 
a question of a difference in form but of a 
difference in the content of the representations, 
originally arising out of, and conditioned by, 
appraisal of the objects represented and the 
completely different activities of these objects. 

Provincial peculiarities, works of art of lower 
artistic quality, can mislead the modern judge 
into using, on that account, the term populär art 
(which is not suitable, because populär art need 
in no way be inferior technically); the aims and 
aspirations, however, are here the same as in the 
ofiicial art surrounding the king and his court. 
The shaping and aim of art in Egypt were in the 
highest degree dependent upon the wishes of the 
consumer, usually conservative and fettered by 
tradition. But one must take into account the 
existence of a freer, populär art, which however 
only seldom found concrete expression and which 
largely remained latent. This freer art can be seen 
in the many picture ostraca commonly occurring 
during the New Kingdom in the quarters of 
workmen and artists. These ostraca often re- 
present an art unbound by stylistic and icono- 

18 Cf. H. Schäfer, Von ägyptischer Kunst 8 , Leipzig 1930, 

p. 62. 

16 


graphical dogmas, an art which is healthy and 
alive. Its vulgarity can seldom be mistaken 1 *. 
This art had no direct Consumers. The picture 
ostraca had various purposes; some were un- 
doubtedly occasional pieces, which were per- 
haps kept for a time by the maker or were per- 
haps thrown away when finished; therefore the 
artist’s own imagination and desire could have 
free play. However, it does not go beyond the 
fundamental conventions of Egyptian art. But 
it is of course not such an independent art as 
Spiegelberg has in mind when speaking of a 
“Volksstil”. These ostraca point to the existence 
of a latent, populär art, which is timeless, but 
that is not to say that the particular art represen- 
ted in most of the known ostraca (Ramesside) 
would be exactly the same if the main part of 
them stemmed from before the time of Akhena- 
ten. At all events it must here be submitted 
that a populär art of the kind sometimes dis- 
played by these picture ostraca must have greatly 
contributed to the emergence of the Amarna 
style. Here this spontaneous art had a chance 
to break through. 

As regards the Minoan and to some extent 
the Mycenaean influence in the Amarna art, 
hypotheses about a direct influence must be 
rejected, as there are no evident Aegean elements 
in this art 80 . The separate motifs and details to 

18 Many ostraca show the existence of fables, a type of 
literature usually belonging to the masses of the people. 
In written form these were not recorded in Egypt until 
the Late Period. The interpretation of picture ostraca 
with fable motifs is, however, not quite clear, cf. E. 
Brunner-Traut, Ägyptische Tiermärchen, ZÄS 80, 1955, 
pp. 12 ff and W. Helck, Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu 
Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. = Ägypto- 
logische Abhandlungen Bd 5, Wiesbaden 1962, p. 543. 
Although most of the known picture ostraca are Ra- 
messide, it should not be irrelevant to eite these here as 
examples of the existence of a latent folk art that could 
only emerge sporadically. 

80 Cf. Balodis, op. cit., p. 76; A. Scharff, Handbuch 
der Altertumswissenschaft 6:1, Handbuch der Archäolo- 
gie I, München 1939, p. 580; Wegner, op. cit., p. 158; 
Wolf, Die Kunst Ägyptens, p. 486. That there were 
probably people from the Aegean world who had settled in 
Egypt and indeed at Amarna (cf. Pendlebury, op. cit. pp. 
1 20 ff.) need not imply a direct Aegean influence on Egyp- 
tian art. Nor need trade contacts have exerted an influence 
on a strong, independent art. Several of the alleged Aegean 


Digitized by LjOOQle 



which attention has been drawn (cf. note 16), 
are no innovations in this period, having succes- 
sively appeared in Egypt during the 18th dyna- 
sty; some may possibly be borrowed from 
abroad, although this is very controversial (cf. 
note 22). The main branch of art which was 
alleged to show resemblances and possible points 
of affinity between Aegean and Egyptian during 
the Amarna Age, is painting. The Minoan paint- 
ing has an intimate connection with the Egyp- 
tian, but the contributing party was Egypt, which 
with its influence made an impress on the origins 
of the Minoan painting and to some extent on its 
iconography, but not on its subsequent indepen- 
dent development* 1 . Despite the fact that for 
various reasons one must refuse to admit a direct 
influence of the Cretan mural paintings upon 
those of Amarna (i Inter alia on account of the 
difference in time; the sack of Knossos was circa 
1410 B.C., while the foundation of Amarna took 
place some 40—50 years later; also we would 
mention that the increasing monumentalization 
in the late Minoan painting is not reflected in 
Amarna), one must nevertheless admit a certain 
Aegean influence on the art of the 18th dynasty, 
which however by no means was direct or fur- 
nished Egyptian art with any new elements**. 


elements in Egyptian painting during the 1 8th dynasty 
are foreign and new to Egyptian art only in the matter of 
content, not of form; there is no foreign stylistic influence. 

,l F. Matz, Minoan civilization: Maturity and zenith, 
Cambridge Ancient History vol. II, Cambridge 1962, p. 
33; R. W. Hutchinson, Prehistoric Crete, Pelican Books 
1962, p. 131. See however also F. Matz in Handbuch der 
Archäologie II, p. 250: “Die ägyptischen Anregungen 
können sich nur auf das Allgemeinste beschränkt haben.'* 
1t would be interesting to examine in greater detail these 
Egyptian impulses in Minoan painting. No general survey 
exists. 

u Cf. Hall, op. cit., p. 51; idem, The relations of Aeg- 
ean with Egyptian art, JEA 1, 1914, pp. 201 ff; Wolf, Die 
Kunst Ägyptens, pp. 486 ff. Asiatic influences (mainly 
Syrian), apart from certain motifs (cf. Furumark, op. 
cit., pp. 219 ff.), are not evident, cf. Helck, op. cit., pp. 
542 f. Mention must be made parenthetically of P. Gil- 
bert, Influences orientales sur l’art d’ Amarna, Annuaire 
de rinstitut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et 
Slaves XV, Bruxelles 1960, pp. 5 ff. This work is mainly 
conceraed with the fundamental principles of art, but 
does not arrive at any conclusions that need be given 
h ere. 


Indirectly Aegean art, however, must have con- 
tributed somewhat to the contemporaneous dis- 
integrating tendencies in art; it became, from the 
very fact of the Egyptians’ obtaining knowledge 
of its existence, a component in the otherwise 
internal development of art in Egypt during the 
181h dynasty, when a greater freedom than be- 
fore and a broadened Outlook became apparent. 
To think that Egypt was in complete cultural 
isolation during the New Kingdom is impossible, 
not least in view of the many foreign immigrants, 
chiefly from Western Asia. 

Instead of suggesting influences from abroad 
one should look for the origins of the art of the 
Amarna Age inside Egypt. Wegner took this 
line when he desired to show that the painting 
in the reign of Akhenaten is a natural conse- 
quence of the artistic development within Egypt, 
particularly at Hiebes* 8 . The Amarna art, in his 
opinion, is the direct continuation of the stylistic 
changes occurring during the reigns of Thutmosis 
IV and Amenophis III: “Mit der unerschütter- 
lichen Stetigkeit natürlichen Wachstums und 
ohne einschneidenden Bruch ist die Kunst 
Echnatons in die Spätzeit der 18. Dynastie ein- 
gefügt”* 4 . Wegner refers to different detaüs 
within the art of Amarna, offen details estabiish- 
ed earlier during the 18th dynasty, and thus tries 
to show that the Amarna art in no way breaks 
with the art of the preceding period. But he 
does not compare the Amarna art in toto with the 
preceding art. Such a comparison is however 
necessary, as it is not the separate details that 
in this case may be decisive, but the character 
of the art as a whole. Wegner’s point of view 
is correct to the extent that the artistic develop- 
ment during the 18th dynasty leads towards 
Amarna and forms the basis of the art during 
that period, but incorrect when he refuses to 
admit the addition of new elements during Akhe- 
naten’s reign and exclusively points to the natu- 
ral development* 8 . 

** Wegner, op. cit., pp. 154 ff. 

u Idem, op. cit., p. 159. 

M Cf. Wolf, Die Kunst Ägyptens, p. 536. 


17 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 


Basic to the Amaraa art must bc the tendency 
to disintegration which was found in the earlier 
art and which several scholars have noted, es- 
pecially in the tomb painting 88 , but also in the 
sculpture 17 . As a result of Akhenaten’s initia- 
tive 18 , this current isemphasized and developed; 
supported by other components that are con- 
sciously brought forward it is accentuated for 
the purpose of creating a new art fitting to the new 
ideals. One of these components is most probab- 
ly a populär art that had previously found no 
opportunity for expression, especially not in 
monumental art; it is a latent art, not differing 
however in principle from the fundamental con- 
ventions of the earlier art; also this populär art 
must have had prototypes, these being among 
what had previously been created. An art of this 
kind could readily find an echo at this juncture, 
when there was a need for religion to be repre- 
sented by an art differing from the old traditio- 
nal one which was firmly linked to the old 
religion. In addition, it must be observed that the 
consumers, apart from those beionging to the 
royal family, were mainly people who, from all 
appearances, are to be regarded as parvenus; 
their families were not previously known in the 
court circies. As novi homines these men gained 
a high social position under Akhenaten 88 . The 
adoption of populär, even vulgär elements at 
this time, is also indicative of the language. It is 
from the outset of Akhenaten’s reign that the 
language of classical literature, evolved during 
the Middle Kingdom, is superseded by the popu- 
lär, spoken tongue for literary purposes. 

The merging of the current art and its dis- 
integrating tendencies with a more original and 
direct populär art is the basis of Akhenaten’s art. 
Through personal initiatives and presumably 
through the individual freedom of the artists 

88 Cf. above notes 2 & 3. 

17 Cf. above note 7. 

18 This, as already noted, is closely connected with 
the development of his religious ideas. 

18 Cf. E. Otto, Ägypten*, Stuttgart 1959, p. 163; H. 
Kees, Ancient Egypt, London 1961, pp. 301 f. 

18 


within the limits of the purchasers’ wishes, the 
art went on developing and soon became manner- 
ed in the brief period during which this special 
art flourished. The change-over and transition to 
the gentler and more idealistic style after Ameno- 
phis III’s death is partly due to the influence, as 
Aldred assumes, of the older artists handing 
down the ancient traditions 88 . It is certainly also 
dependent in part on the varying skill of the 
artists 81 . Their works develop and a mannerism is 
evolved. But one must also look to the art con- 
sumers for the cause. Their demands and tastes 
may have changed and become stabilized; one 
question is to what extent was there still depen- 
dence on the old art. How consistently could one 
break with tradition? Partly it is also a social 
question. These novi homines at Amama, what 
was their attitude to the old— in art, culture, 
religion, etc.,— when they had become great men 
in the state? 

The soil in which the new ideas had germinat- 
ed and taken concrete shape had in many cases 
been loosened by influences from abroad. Egypt 
during the 18 th dynasty became the centre of 
the then known world and she widened by means 
of warlike and peaceable expeditions her horizon 
and escaped from the earlier restraints of cultu- 
ral isolation. That the country was extremely 
receptive of foreign impulses is clearly shown 
by many phenomena in the progressive develop- 
ment through which the country was passing at 
that time. These foreign impulses involve in the 
case of art, if not direct influences and prototypes, 
yet a broadened outlook, an internationalization, 
a greater freedom from tradition in general and 
a new sense of the value of the purely Egyptian 
tradition and heritage. 

*° If there was no joint rulership of Amenophis in and 
Akhenaten, then this argument is of a little value. The most 
recent research adopts a negative attitude to a joint reign, 
cf. E. Hornung, Untersuchungen zur Chronologie und 
Geschichte des Neuen Reiches = Agyptologische Abhand- 
lungen Bd 1 1, Wiesbaden 1964, pp. 71 ff; E. F. Campbell, 
The chronology of the Amama letters, Baltimore 1964, p. 
140. 

* l Cf. Frankfort, op. cit., p. 29; Aldred, op. dt., 
p. 25. 


Digitized by LiOOQle 



The art of Amaraa is thus a synthesis of seve- 
ral different phenomena, a synthesis consciously 
made to meet a need. The changes in the art of 
this time are ultimately, however, in character, 
a transformation of the innermost essence of the 
cultural life, a change in the spirit of the cultural 
life. 

To the earliest representations of Akhenaten 
belong the famous monumental statues found at 
Thebes. They are characterized by violence in 
expression, by exaggeration in style. The king’s 
appearance seems pathological and the question 
of his physical and even mental condition has 
been much discussed”. From the art-historical 
point of view this discussion is of secondary im- 
portance; the problem is not so much what the 
king looked like in reality, but rather in the va- 
rious ways in which he was represented in the 
monuments. 

From Amama we have most of the represen- 
tations of the king. A number of more or less 
fragmentary works sculptured in the round or 
in the form of reliefs can be reliably identified as 
depicting him. These representations are mostly 
small, life-size or less. There are several statuet- 
tes, but many of the works are portrait heads 
which had belonged to, or been intended for, 
statuettes; in addition, there are portrait heads 
that had belonged to reliefs as well as several 
that must be looked upon as separate trial pieces. 
The materials are the usual ones: limestone, ala- 
baster, quartz, sandstone and to a lesser degree 
granite 88 . 

Identification of the portrait sculpture at 

” Cf. P. Ghauounoui, A medical study of Akhenaten, 
ASAE 47, 1947, pp. 29 ff; A. T. Sandison, The tomb of 
Akhenaten-Appendix, JEA 47, 1961, pp. 60 ff. See also 
W. Westendorf, Amenophis IV in Urgottgestalt, Pan- 
theon XXI:V, München 1963. 

88 Besides there is an isolated group of portrait heads 
of different persons in plaster, among which are alleged 
representations of Akhenaten. These form a special cate- 
gory, whose genesis will not be discussed here, cf. G. 
Roeder, Lebensgrosse Tonmodelle aus einer altägyp- 
tischen Bildhauerwerkstatt, Jahrbücher d. preuss. Kunst- 
sammlungen, Bd 62, Berlin 1941, pp. 145 ff. 


Amama is difficult. In most cases there are no 
inscriptions on the works sculptured in the round 
to establish their identities, but it has nevertheless 
been possible to distinguish nearly all the mem- 
bers of the royal family. In particular, the last 
stylistic phase, the mature and idealistic one, 
presents several difficuities, as by then we have 
some additional historical persons who are avail- 
able for identification, for instance Smenkhkare 
and Tutankhamun. The difficuities are increased 
also by the family features, a true resemblance 
between the persons. Besides this, in the case of 
the royal image an idealized head was created 84 , 
which set the fashion and more or less strongly 
influenced the representations of persons other 
than the king. 

The representations of Akhenaten are general- 
ly characterized by a long, narrow face, a pro- 
minent, hanging chin and a protruding mouth; 
the nose is long, sometimes pointed 88 . These dis- 
tinctive features vary; the only constant feature 
however, according to Schäfer, is the long, 
hanging chin 86 . 

A grouping of the sculptures in the round of 
Akhenaten has been made by Vandier, who 
divides his sculptures from Amama into four 
groups 87 . In the first the old conventionalism and 
idealism partly remain 88 . The type is earlier in 
style than Akhenaten’s Theban sculptures. The 
second has clear relations to the king’s Theban 
sculptures 86 . The third group is distinguished by 
a round, soft style 40 . The fourth comprises the 


84 Scharff, op. cit., p. 585. 

88 In the present article no account is given of the king’s 
body, as our purpose is the publication of two portraits. 

86 H. Schäfer, Altes und Neues zur Kunst und Reli- 
gion von Teil el-Amarna, ZÄS 55, 1918, p. 9. 

87 Vandier, Manuel III, pp. 338 f. 

88 Cf. Cairo 43580= Vandier, Manuel III- Album de 
planches, pl. CX:1; Cairo 67921 =R. Engelbach, A 
limestone head of king Akhenaten in the Cairo Museum, 
ASAE 38, 1938, pp. 95 ff. 

89 Berlin 21 835= Vandier, Manuel III-Album, pl. 
CXI:3. 

40 Brooklyn Museum 29.34= Vandier, Manuel III- 
Album, pl. CX:4; Louvre E 15593= Vandier, Manuel 
III-Album, pl. CXI:1; Berlin 21 836= Vandier, Manuel 
III-Album, pl. CX:3. 


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works that are most “spiritualized”, which, in 
the opinion of Vandier, corresponded best to 
the king’s ideal. The most outstanding work 
in this group is the famous bust of Akhenaten 
in the Louvre 41 . 

This grouping is correct in the main 4 *. But it 
must be pointed out that the boundary lines of 
the different groups are rather vague. The resemb- 
lances are great; the first and third groups, in 
particular, are very much alike. The same group- 
! ing does not apply to the reliefs. No survey of 
these has yet been made, but it is possible to say 
that the king’s portraits in the reliefs do not dis- 
i play the same refined and spiritualized style that 
is typical of much of the Amaraa sculpture. The 
relief portraits, for instance in the tombs of nob- 
: les, are strongly linked with the Theban sculp- 
ture of Akhenaten of the first years of his reign. 

To the problem of Identification can now be 
brought an additional important criterion. The 
significant features for identifying the represen- 
tations of the king have been reduced solely to 
the long, hanging chin 4 *. But the characteristic 
mouth is also typical and must be emphasized. 
Not only the accentuated, protruding mouth but 
also the more or less downtumed corners of the 
mouth are characteristic of the representations 
of Akhenaten 44 , **. This distinctive mouth is very 

41 Louvre E 11 076= Vandier, Manuel III-Album, pl. 
CXI:4 & 6. The plaster masks of the king come close to 
this head, cf. Vandier, Manuel HI, p. 339. 

4 * For other groupings, see L. Borchardt, Aus der 
Arbeit an den Funden von Teil el-Amama, Mitt. d. Dt. 
Orient-Gesellschaft Nr. 57, 1917. Review of this Schäfer, 
op. cit., ZÄS 55, 1918, pp. 6 ff. See also below note 77. 

44 See above note 36. 

44 Schäfer has in one way stressed the mouth in the 
art of the Amama Age: “Der Amamakunst ist neben den 
Augen vor allem der Mund der Sitz ihrer Seelenkündung”, 
Von ägyptischer Kunst*, p. 275. 

44 Here it is not necessary to give all the examples of 
this. For a comparison between Akhenaten’s mouth and 
another mouth (in this case Nefertiti’s), see, for instance, 
Brooklyn Museum 16.48 =J. Capart, Documents pour 
servir ä l’6tude de Part 6gyptien I, Paris 1927, pl. 49. 
Naturally there are exceptions as regards the mouth. 
There are portraits of Akhenaten without this characte- 
ristic mouth and there are portraits of other persons with 
the same protruding mouth. In the latter case it is of 
course reasonable to interpret the appearance of Akhena- 
teiTs mouth on other persons as an influence from the 
royal portrait, cf. note 34. 


frequent in his case and even occurs on the sha- 
wabti figures 4 *. One can clearly distinguish the 
portraits of the king with this mouth, and so 
together with the long, hanging chin can get 
quite a reliable identification. This not altogether 
common mouth, which is certainly a true copy of 
the king’s physiognomy, can be definitely estab- 
lished too in the case of his mother, Queen Tiye 47 . 
It is obviously a family feature. 

Thus we may regard as the basic criteria for 
identifying the king’s portrait, on the one hand 
the long, hanging chin and on the other hand 
the typical mouth with the downtumed corners. 

In a Swedish private collection of Egyptian 
antiquities, owned by Director Henry Nilsson 
of Stockholm, there is a small portrait head 
which because of its style must undoubtedly be 
assigned to the Amama Age (Figs. 1—4). Its 
provenience is also said to be el-Amama 48 . 

The head, which may have belonged to a Sta- 
tuette, is worked in faience of a bluish green 
turquoise colour. The height is 7 cm. The face 
seen frontally narrows sharply and has a pointed, 
prominent chin. The eyes are almond-shaped and 
slanting. The eyebrows are marked with lines 
of darker colour. The pupils of the eyes are also 
in the same dark shade. The nose widens at the 
base; the nostrils are dilated. The mouth is clear- 
ly marked and protruding. The corners of the 
mouth, which are slightly uptumed, are emphas- 
ized by a downward running line. Seen in profiie 
the nose does not make a straight line with the 
forehead; there is a slight depression in the line 
at the root of the nose, where the straight line is 
broken. The chin is not abnormaiiy long. The 
lower line is very sharply swung to the neck. 

A large headdress covers the head. In type it 

46 See e.g. Hayes, Scepter II, fig. 178. Cf. below note 78. 

47 Cf. the head Cairo 38257 which is reliably identified 
by means of the inscription, and also the famous Berlin 
head 21834, both in Vandier, Manuel III-Album, pl. 
CVII. 

48 The head is said to have been found in a well at 
el-Amama. Here I should like to express my gratitude 
to Director H. Nilsson for his kind permission to let me 
publish the head. 


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has several parallels in the Amaraa Age. The 
lines radiating down from the top of the head- 
dress and the rows of curls cut in steps are in the 
same dark, bluish black colour as the eyebrows 
and pupils. A clearly modelled uraeus is in the 
middle of the front of the headdress; its tail 
twists towards the centre of the headdress on the 
top of the crown. The head is intact apart from a 
few slight cracks. 

It is tempting at once to identify the head as 
Akhenaten 45 . Yet many of the individual details 
differ from his iconography. Although the total 
effect may give the impression of Akhenaten, 
the identification has still to be tested. 

The two principal criteria, the long chin and 
the characteristic mouth, cannot be seen. The 
chin, however,certainly resembles that of Akhen- 
aten in some of his representations. The fore- 
head-nose line is not straight, as is often the case 
in many portraits of Akhenaten“. Represent- 
ations of Akhenaten sculptured in the round 
with a similar headdress are entirely unknown 51 . 
Only on one relief in Mery-re’s tomb at Amama 
is he wearing this headdress“ as well as on one 
relief from Karnak“. If we observe the position 
of the eyes, we do not find a similarly oblique set 
of the eyes in portraits of Akhenaten 54 . 

45 The head has been held to represent Akhenaten. It 
was on view in Stockholm in 1961 in connection with the 
exhibition “5000 är egyptisk konst”, cf. Nationalmusei 
utställningskatalog nr 265, Stockholm 1961, p. 92. 

50 Cf., for instance, the Nilsson head with a dose 
parallel in relief representing Akhenaten wearing the 
same headdress (Pillet, see below note 53) where this 
line is quite straight. 

51 But for one unpublished head in the Cairo Museum 
belonging to the group of the Akhenaten shawabtis, 
nr. 2229 (Room 12, case U). This head is of uncertain 
provenience but the identification is fairly clear. The royal 
head J 66642 (Amama Room, case D) also unpublished 
and also of unknown provenience, should perhaps be 
taken into account here. It has not been possible for me 
to study the head in detail. 

55 N. de G. Davies, The rock tombs of El Amama I, 
London 1903, pl. XXX. 

55 M. Pillet, Quelques bas-reliefs inöd its d’Amenhotep 
IV- Akhenaton ä Karnak, Revue de l’Egypte ancienne 2, 
Paris 1929, pl. IV. 

64 The sculpture in the round does not have it, although 
the reliefs often show a slanting eye. The slanting eyes 
occur on the likenesses of Akhenaten from Thebes, but 
they are of a rather special type, cf. Wolf, Die Kunst 
Ägyptens, pp. 450 ff. 


There is much to support the view that the 
Nilsson head belongs to a late date of the 
Amama period. What is decisive here is the 
headdress, on the one hand. Except on the re- 
presentations just mentioned, no such type of 
headdress is known on Akhenaten, although it is 
known on other male royal heads which are 
stylistically later than Akhenaten 55 . On the 
other hand, the eyes are also decisive. The slant- 
ing position of the eyes is inappropriate for 
Akhenaten, but it does occur after his time. 
The best example is the famous glass head in 
the Louvre, which is placed in Tutankhamun's 
period 55 (Fig. 5). The sensitive and well accen- 
tuated mouth is not exclusive to representations 
from Akhenaten’s time. If we look at portraits 
made in imitation of him and of his iconography, 
we find that a protruding, full mouth characte- 
rizes royal representations for quite a while to 
come 57 . On the Nilsson head, however, we do 

55 Cf. Amama 31.581 = J. Pendlebury, The city of 
Akhenaten 111:2, London 1951, pl. LXXIV:7 (Cf. JEA 
18, 1932, pl. XIX:2 and p. 148, “perhaps Sroenkhkcre- 
certainly not Akhenaten’*); G. Roeder, Thronfolger und 
König Smench-ka-RÖ, ZAS 83, 1958, pp. 54 f; further a 
plausible royal head, see T. E. Peet-C. L. Woolley, The 
city of Akhenaten I, London 1923, pl. XXXV-.2 (cf. JEA 
7, 1921, pl. XXIX:4). In particular this headdress is wom 
by Tutankhamun in several representations on objects in 
his tomb. From the time immediately after Akhenaten or 
contemporap with the last year of his reign are also the 
funerary objects, the sarcophagus and canopic jars from 
the famous tomb 55 at Thebes, which also display this 
headdress. By Roeder, op. cit., pp. 67 ff. these have been 
attributed to Smenkhkare, although C. Aldred in Hair 
styles and history, Bulletin Metropolitan Museum of Art 
XV, pp. 141 ff, has shown that the canopic jars were made 
for Meritaton and thus cannot portray Smenkhkare (cf. 
Aldred, The tomb of Akhenaten at Thebes, JEA 47, 
1961, pp. 43 ff.). For the sarcophagus cf. H. W.Fairman, 
Once again the so-called coffin of Akhenaten, JEA 47, 
1961, p. 39, the sarcophagus was made for Meritaton. 
Although these funerary objects were made for the queen 
of Smenkhkare we must assume that they reflect the style 
of the royal representations, the idealized representations 
of the king. At Amama the actual headdress is worn, as 
Aldred has pointed out, especially by Nefertiti and the 
princesses. Before Amaraa it occurs too, although not 
often, cf. for instance Louvre E 1 1 107 =V andier, Manuel 
Ill-Album, pl. CVÜ:6 in a representation in the old idea- 
listic style of Amenophis m. 

66 Louvre E 11658=Vandier, Manuel III-Album, pl 
CXVI:1 & 2. 

67 So with the glass head in the Louvre (see note 56). 
Further e.g. Boston 11.1 533 =Vandier, Manuel ID* 
Album, pl. CXVH:2 (Tutankhamun). 


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not find the downturned coraers of the mouth 
typical of Akhenaten. 

Thus there are good reasons for excluding 
Akhenaten as a possible identification of the 
sraaii portrait head. This is specially evident if a 
comparison is made between this head seen in 
profile and the relief of Akhenaten at Karnak, 
where he is wearing the same headdress (cf. 
note 53). We must then decide on one of Akhe- 
naten’s nearest successors, and this raises a 
series of problems. 

Smenkhkare“, towards the end of the Amama 
Age, became co-regent with Akhenaten. This 
man, whose parentage is not clear, had, among 
other things, by his marriage to Meritaton, one 
of the daughters of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, 
legitimated himself as successor to the throne. 
The end of the declining Amama Age and the 
history of the subsequent period is obscure. 
After Smenkhkare had reigned for about three 
years, as co-regent before Akhenaten’s death 
(about which no details are known to us) and 
as sole regent after it, he was succeeded by Tutan- 
khaten, yet another son-in-iaw of Akhenaten, 
who left Amama and moved to Thebes. In his 
name the religious restoration was effected, the 
cult of Amun being re-instituted; when this 
happened he took the name of Tutankhamun. 
He died, however, after a few short years as 
pharaoh and was followed by the influential key 
figure of the Amama period Ay, who had pro- 
bably been the real power behind the throne 
during Tutankhamun’s reign. He, too, mied 
oniy for a short time and after him came Harem- 
hab, under whom Amama was destroyed. 

No reliably identified portraits of Smenkhkare 
are extant; however, a number have been ascrib- 
ed to him. Those concerned are such royal 
portraits as have been discovered at Amarna 
and cannot depict either Akhenaten or Tutank- 
haten“. These representations have been put to- 

M A new study of Smenkhkare and representations of 
him, see the above-mentioned work by Roeder, above 
note 55. 

11 Cf. Vandier, Manuel in, pp. 344 f. 


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Fig. 6. Smenkhkare. Artist' s trial piece ( The British Mu- 
seum I Amarna 31.581). 


Fig. 5. Unidentified head (Louvre E 11658). 



gether by Roeder in a work published in 1958 
(see note 55). For many of thc portraits cited by 
him the identification is extrcmely uncertain and 
in some cases incorrect 60 . But here a numbcr of 
relatively certain ascriptions will bc put together. 
It will thcn be secn that they may be divided into 
two different groups, two stylistic phases. As 
regards Akhenaten, his representations could be 
divided into four groups. Those of Smenkhkare 
can be dealt with in the same manner. In his 
portraits we can distinguish two stylistic phases, 
which need not necessarily have succeeded each 
other but can have been contemporaneous with 
each other. But it has to be stressed that this 
stylistic grouping must be provisional in charac- 

*° E.g. Roeder, op. cit., p. 53, D:III:1, cf. Aldred, The 
end of the el-Amama period, JEA 43, J957, p. 37, note 5; 
further, the funerary objects from tomb 55 at Thebes, cf. 
above note 55. The head Metropolitan Museum Capart, 
Documents I, pl. 31 may morc reasonably be called 
Akhenaten, as was earlier done, for instance by Hayes, 
Scepter II, p. 288. In this study some uncertain and 
controversial sculptures and reliefs are omitted, not least 
the much discussed representations in Berlin and Paris, 
see Vandier, Manuel III, pp. 345 ff. In the present dis- 
cussion the badly damaged and extremely uncertain por- 
traits are not included either. 


ter, as the identification of these representations 
is in several cases very uncertain. 

To the first phase, here called Style I, may be 
referred representations that are more or less 
dependent on portraits of Akhenaten. They still 
display the rather exaggerated, outre style that 
characterizes Akhenaten’s early portraits. They 
are more akin to these than to the gentle ideal* 
izing art familiär to us from the mature Amarna 
style, although sometimes they do not lack a 
touch of that later style. 

To this Style I belongs Amarna 32.75 €1 , a 
plaque with portraits of Akhenaten and Smenkh- 
kare. These two on the same relief slab show 
that Style I existed during the time of their joint 
rule. Also belonging to this Style I is the above- 
mentioned relief Amarna 31.581** (Fig. 6), where 
we find the type of headdress already referred to. 
Another work of art belonging here is the plaque 
in Berlin portraying a king and aqueen (Smenkh- 

• l Now in Cairo 59294. Cf. JEA 19, 1933, p. 116; 
Pendlebury, The city III :2, pl. LIX:1 and Roeder, op. 
cit., p. 49 and pl. V. 

•* See above note 55, now in the British Museum 63631. 


Fig. 7. Smenkhkare. Detail from plaque (Berlin 15000). Fig. 8. Smenkhkare (Cairo 45547). 




24 


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kare and Meritaton) 68 (Fig. 7). In this group may 
also be includcd, more peripherally, a head in 
relief from the British excavations at Amaraa, 
21.488 84 . 

A representation which may mark the transi- 
tion to Style II is a relief fragment in Berlin, 
showing Smenkhkare together with Meritaton 65 . 

What is here called Style II is characterized by 
an idealism which is associated more with the 
art current before the Amama Age and which 
points in the direction of Tutankhamun’s ideal- 
istic, technically perfected tomb-art. This second 
stylistic phase is grouped naturally round the 
famous quartzite head from Memphis, now in 
Cairo 88 (Fig. 8). Closely allied to this is Amama 
33.6 67 , also a quartzite head, inseparable in style 
from the Memphis head 68 . Two relief carvings, 
intended for insertion into larger reliefs, which 
since Petrie’s excavations have been at Universi- 
ty College, London 86 , and a similar work in 
Brooklyn Museum 70 , clearly belong to this 
stylistic phase. 

As the Nilsson head cannot be identified as 
Akhenaten, all that remains is to try to fit it into 
Smenkhkare’s iconographical scheme. None of 



Fig. 9. Ay as a private man. Detail from his tomb in 
Amor na ( Worcester Art Museum 1949.42). 


“Berlin 15000, P. E. Newberry, Note on the sculp- 
tured slab, etc., JEA 14, 1928, p. 117; Roeder, op. cit., 
p. 56. 

64 Amama 2 1 .488 = Peet- Woolley, The city I, pl. XII :6, 
cf. p. 14: “head of the Akhenaten type”. Also published 
by M. Mogensen, Les oeuvres d’art, etc., BIFAO 30, 
1930, p. 463 and pl. IV. It is not a royal head with the 
uraeus, but as it is a sculptor’s trial piece, which is con- 
firmed by the representations on the verso, it is still prob- 
able that it is the type of a royal head. It is reasonable to 
identify it as Smenkhkare. 

“Berlin 14511= Schäfer, Amama in Religion und 
Kunst, pl, 22; Roeder, op. cit., pp. 55 f. 

•• Cairo 45547= Capart, Documents I, pl. 30; Roeder, 
op. cit., pp. 62 f. 

“Brooklyn Museum 34.6042 = Pendlebury, The city 
111:2, pl. LIX:6— 8; Roeder, op. cit., pp. 59 f. 

“ Vandier, Manuel III, p. 345. 

86 UC 101 & UC 103= Pendlebury, The city 111:2, pl. 
CV:4 & 8; Roeder, op. cit., p. 54. 

“Brooklyn Museum 33.685= Pendlebury, The city 
111:2, pl. LV1I:4; Roeder, op. cit., p. 54. This representa- 
tion and those mentioned above at University College 
(note 69) differ decisively in respect of the mouth from 
the Maru Aton relief head 1921/22, Peet- Woolley, The 
city I, pl. XXXV:1, which is extremely doubtful as a re- 
presentation of Smenkhkare, cf. Roeder, op. cit., p. 54. 


the other royal persons from the Amama period 
may be considered; an idea that the head could 
be that of a woman seems improbable. Tutankh- 
amun’s sculpture differs so much in manner 
from the style here at issue that it cannot be 
necessary to look for parallels there. His success- 
or Ay shows a striking resemblance in his icono- 
graphy as a private man in Amama (Fig. 9) to 
the idealized portrait of the king (Akhenaten), 
the style of which in the case of Smenkhkare is 
represented by his Style I 71 . However, the whole 
Tutankhamun complex in art lies between the 

71 Cf. the representation of Ay in his tomb at Amama, 
Davies, The rock tombs of El Amama VI, London 1908, 
pl. XXXIX. The relief slab bearing Ay’s head is no 
longer in situ but barbarously hewn out (now in Wor- 
cester Art Museum, Massachusetts, Acc. No. 1949.42, 
see Archaeology vol. 16, no. 3, 1963, p. 155 and the co- 
ver photo). 


25 


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Amarna representations of Ay and the portraits 
of him as regent, which latter show a retum to the 
old, more particularly Theban tradition, though 
not without a certain spiritualization of the stereo- 
typy. Then when Haremhab ascends the throne, 
art has almost entirely dissociated itself from 
Amama’s direct stylistic influence; Amarna has 
then become an obsolete phase. 

The Niisson head is clearly associated with 
Smenkhkare’s Style I and cannot be assigned to 
Style II. Despite minor divergences (but not 
greater than those occurring within Style I) the 
Niisson head is excellently in character with 
Style I. 

On the plaque Amarna 32.75 (see note 61) we 
can observe the difference between Akhenaten 
and Smenkhkare. The forehead-nose line on 
Smenkhkare’s head agrees with the Niisson head, 
while the same line on Akhenaten is straighter. 
The mouth provides the main difference between 
the two heads on the relief slab. The Niisson 
head, in both this feature and the chin, is more 
like the portrait of Smenkhkare than that of 
Akhenaten (cf. here also the Karnak relief head 
of Akhenaten, above note 53). 

As regards the relief slab 31 .581 , this represent- 
ation comes very close to the Akhenaten type; it 
is above all the mouth that resembles this type 
(cf. note 55). The head displays a youthful por- 
trait, more suitable for Smenkhkare than for 
Akhenaten. It also has the characteristic head- 
dress, which is more frequently wom by the 
kings after Akhenaten (often by Tutankhamun) 
than by Akhenaten himself. This representation 
comes close to the Niisson head as well, although 
not to the same extent as the preceding example. 

A good parallel is the relief displaying Smenkh- 
kare standing together with his queen (see note 
63). The same motif occurs on a casket in Tut- 
ankhamun’s tomb 7 *, where we can clearly see 
the difference between Smenkhkare’s Style I and 
the art of the next king, to which Smenkhkare’s 
Style II forms the transition. On this Berlin 

7S See Roeder, op. cit., pp. 56 f and pl. VI. 


26 


relief there is, however, a portrait very similar 
to the Niisson head; not only the mouth but 
also the rounded, slightly hanging chin agree 
in a striking manner (see Fig. 7). 

Finally, we can make a comparison with the 
relief fragment Amarna 21.488 (see note 64) of 
uncertain identity, which is not far from the 
Niisson head in style; it has moreover the same 
kind of headdress and a slanting eye. 

Here it can only be regretted that we have no 
knowledge of any representations of Smenkhkare 
sculptured in the round, which could be fitted 
into Style I. The Niisson head as a result of the 
above comparisons must be assigned to it and 
thus becomes the first known work of Smenkh- 
kare sculptured in the round, which shows how 
strongly Akhenaten’s portraits influenced the 
Contemporary portraiture of the kings. 

The representations of Smenkhkare were exe- 
cuted, as we know, during a period of about 
threc years, in the first part of which Akhenaten 
was still living and ruling 7 *. It is tempting to 
suggest that Style I corresponds with the repre- 
sentations of the younger king during the joint 
rulership, and that Style II appeared from the 
outset of Smenkhkare’s sole rule, when the reli- 
gion and art of the Amarna period were abandon- 
ed and when the art could take on a shape that 
was closer to the old tradition. Who took the 
initiative in making these changes, the new king 
or other influential persons, is a matter that must 
remain uncertain. New problems present them- 
selves, and to discuss them would lead us far be- 
yond the scope of this article. 

Yet another portrait head from the Amarna 
Age is in private Swedish ownership. It is a frag- 
mentary, rather damaged and cracked head in 
reddish brown sandstone, belonging to the 
Stockholm collection of the late artist R. Hol- 
termann 74 (Figs. 10—13). The height of the head 

74 The current opinion that Smenkhkare was sole rukr 
after Akhenaten’s death is, however, controversial. See 
the recent discussion in Hornung, op. cit., pp. 88 ff. 

74 Holtermann collection H 172. Provenience unknown. 


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Fig. 14. Head of a shawabt i of Akhenaten (The Brooklyn Fig. 15. Head of a shawabt i of Akhenaten ( Muse es Ro - 
Museum 33.50) . yaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Bruxelles , E 6845 ) . 


is 5.5 cm. at thc mid-front. The face is rather 
rounded, tapering slightly towards the point of 
the chin. The eyes are not modelled, merely 
indicated by elevations, which are defined up- 
wards by a groove between the upper edge of the 
eyes and the eyebrows starting from the base of 
the nose and marking the position of the eye- 
brows. The tip of the nose is missing. The mouth 
is sensitive and full; the upper lip projects be- 
yond the lower. The corners of the mouth are 
drawn down owing to the drooping outer lines 
of the upper lip. The forehead-nose line has a 
depression at the base of the nose; the actual 
forehead recedes. The chin is long and hanging. 
The fragments of the ears show that these were 
large and pronounced. The head had wom a 
crown or headdress, as shown by the line extend- 
ing from the ears across the forehead. A uraeus 
was evidently prominent in the centre of the 
front of the crown or headdress; it is now miss- 
ing. 

Originally the Holtermann head belonged with 
the utmost certainty to a Statuette of the same 


kind as, for example, that of Nefertiti in Berlin 74 . 
And like that Statuette it was also painted. A 
microscopic examination of the Holtermann 
head has in fact revealed black pigment, pre- 
sumably lamp-black, round the eyes 7 *. 

It is beyond all doubt that this head, of the 
highest artistic quality, represents Akhenaten him- 
self. One can see here the long, slightly hanging 
chin and, in addition, the still more reliable 
criterion, the characteristic mouth with the down- 
turned corners. There is nothing eise either that 
deviates from the king’s greatly diversified but 
nevertheless quite homogeneous iconography. 

In style the royal head belongs to a late phase 
of the Amarna art, when the new idealism had 
matured and had become mannered 77 . In 

76 Berlin 21263 =K. Lange, König Echnaton und die 
Amama-Zeit, München 1951, pl. 21. Identity not quite 
certain. 

7Ä For this examination I wish to thank my friend Mr. 
John Ingels, Stockholm. 

77 It should be noted en passant that the grouping made 
by Vandier cannot be taken for granted as a chronolo- 
gical sequence. It is a stylistic question, not yet solved, to 
what extern the different stylistic phases succeed each 
other. 


28 


Digitized by LjOOQle 




Vandier’s grouping referred to above, the Hol- 
termann head could be assigned to the fourth 
group and would thus, broadly speaking, come 
close to the Louvre head (E 11076). However, 
several more striking parallels exist. 

It is among the small portraits of Akhenaten’s 
shawabtis that the closest parallels are to be 
found 78 (Figs. 14—15). It is primarily theappa- 
rentiy unfinished eyes which are significant 79 . 
On the shawabti figures these were painted as 
one may suppose— there are some examples in the 
Cairo Museum, but no investigation of these figu- 
res has ever been published— and it was only by 
means of the painting that the portrait became 
complete. The Hoitermann head had been pain- 
ted, as noted above, but it cannot come from the 
same group of representations as the shawabtis. 
For all the Akhenaten shawabtis that have been 
published have the traditional false beard. The 
Holtermann head has no such beard. It is also 


78 A number of these are in Cairo, cf. P. E. Newberry, 
Funerary statuettes and mode! sarcophagi, CGC, 1930 
ff. pp. 397 ff., but only one head is reproduced =48573, 
see idem, op. cit., pl. XXXI. University College 007 is 
reproduced in Pendlebury, The city 111:2, pl. CV:12 
(cf. pl. LXIII). Mus£es Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire of 
Bruxelles has an alabaster head E 6845, cf. Bille de Mot, 
Bulletin des Mus6es Royaux 3e ser. 7e an. 1935, No 1, 
pp. 11 f. From the Metropolitan Museum of Art Hayes 
reproduces a quartzite shawabti, Scepter II, p. 289. 
Brooklyn Museum has about a hundred unpublished Akhe- 
naten shawabtis of every quality, including 33.50, a fragmen- 
tary but characteristic head. Several shawabtis are in the 
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, but are headless. In addi- 
tion, these figures are found in private collections too, 
cf. i.a. J. D. Cooney, Egyptian art in the collection of 
Albert Gallatin, JNES XII, 1953, p. 12 (not reproduced). 
It would be urgent to have a complete publication of all 
these shawabtis, especially as they are of various shapes. 
The article by C. De Wrr, Une täte d’oushebti d’Ameno- 
phis IV au Mus6e du Cinquantenaire, CdE XL, 1965, 
pp. 20 ff. is an attempt to make a survey. 

78 This eye part has been the subject of a curious article 
by P. Gilbert, De la mystique amamienne au sfumato 
praxitdlien, CdE XXXffl, 1958, pp. 19 ff. 


of rather finer artistic quality than these shawabti 
figures, which were produced in large quantity. 

Other sculptures related in style and technique 
to the Holtermann head are two representations 
of Nefertiti in Berlin and London, the latter an 
unfinished work 80 . There is, in addition, an un- 
identified head in Berlin, probabiy portraying 
one of the daughters of Akhenaten and Nefer- 
titi, and also a portrait of a princess in Cairo 81 . 

Further, there is a small head in Turin mount- 
ed in the war helmet which in style is closely 
related to the Holtermann head. It should most 
probabiy be considered a portrait of Akhenaten 81 . 

The Holtermann head is an excellent exponent 
of the soft and gentle style that is associated with 
the maturity and stabilization of the art of 
Amarna. It is this idealizing style that once more 
reaches its highest pitch of excellence in style and 
technique in the tomb-art of Tutankhamun and 
it is this gentle, sensual element in the style that 
is destined to live on in art even after Amarna 
has finally played out its röle. 

80 Berlin 21358=Lange, op. cit., pl. 22; University 
College UC 010= Pendlebury, The city 111:2, pl. CV:11. 

81 Berlin 21245=Lange, op. cit., pl. 26; Cairo 13213 = 
Frankfort & Pendlebury, The city II, pl. XXXIX. 

88 The Turin head has been reproduced byJ. Pirenne, 
Histoire de la civilisation de l’Egypte ancienne n, Neu- 
chätel 1962, pl. 74. Pirenne suggest s (pp. 538 f.) that it 
could be a likeness of Smenkhkare. 

For some valuable comments on this article I am indebt- 
ed to Professor T. Säve-Söderbergh, Upsala, Dr. J. D. Coo- 
ney, Curator of Egyptian and Classical Art, Cleveland 
Museum of Art, Ohio and Professor H. H. Brummer, 
Stockholm-Los Angeles. 

For permission to reproduce photographs I thank 
Louisa Dresser, Curator, Worcester Art Museum, Massa- 
chusetts, Dr. C. de Wit, Musöes Royaux d’Art et d’His- 
toire, Bruxelles, Dr. Beraard V. Bothmer, Curator of 
Ancient Art, The Brooklyn Museum, New York, and 
the Trustees of the British Museum. 

This article has been translated from the Swedish by 
Miss Kathleen Pain, B. A., Fil. kand., London. 


29 


Digitized by ^jooole 



An Italic Iron Age Hut Urn 


ARVID ANDREN 


The hut um reproduced in Figs. 1—3 was recent- 
ly acquired by the Museum of Mediterranean 
and Near Eastem Antiquities in Stockholm (Inv. 
No. MM 1964:20); I am indebted to the director 
of the Museum, Dr. O. Vessberg, for his having 
most kindly offered me the privilege of Publish- 
ing it in this Bulletin. 

The um was purchased in Switzerland. No 
information is available as to its provenance, 
except the general one that it comes from Italy. 
It is made of coarse clay of the type generally 
described as impasto italico, dark grey in the 
core, reddish-brown on the surface. The outside 
of the um is covered by a greyish, black-mottled 
slip, on which are preserved considerable traces 
of geometric Ornament in white. The slip is worn 
off in places, especially on the eaves of the roof. 
Upon the whole, however, the urn has suffered 
very small damage. 

The dimensions of the urn are: total height, 
35.3 cm.; length at base, 31.5 cm., width at base, 
33.0 cm.; length of roof, 39.5 cm., width of same, 
38.5 cm.; thickness of wall, about 1.0 cm. 

The main body of the um is cylindrical, its 
walls rising straight and vertically, or with a 
very slight inclination inwards, from a circular 
projecting socle, square in section, with a slightly 
concave periphery. The socle, for reasons to be 

30 


explained below, does not continue across the 
opening of the door but passes above it, forming 
a raised door-frame. The door-opening is trapez- 
oidal, with a small recessed edge below the lintel 
to recieve the door-slab. This also is trapezoidal 
and slightly curved but a little too small for the 
opening, probably owing to shrinkage during 
the firing. On the outside of the door-slab a little 
above its lower edge are two small bronze knobs; 
three lacunae in the calcareous deposit which 
covers the lower part of the slab suggest that 
there were once three more knobs placed in line 
with the two remaining ones. The door-slab 
was fastened with a pin, now lost, which passed 
horizontally through a Perforation in the right- 
hand door-post and then through a perforated 
vertical projection on the inside of the slab; 
there is, however, no corresponding Perforation 
in the left-hand door-post, whence it may be 
assumed that the door-slab was held in place by 
the tension of the pin wtien pushed against the 
curved inside of the wall. Opposite the door- 
opening there is a small Perforation made in the 
back of the wall just above the socle, perhaps to 
represent some outlet for slops and penetrating 
rain-water in real Iron Age huts 1 . 

1 This Interpretation seems probable in view of the 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 



The roof is testudinate, with a ridged top and 
widely projecting eaves which slope slightly less 
than the central part of the roof. The ridge is 
curved and terminates at the front and at the 
back in a flat, semielliptical end-piece pierced by 
a large, round vent-hole. On either side of the 
central part of the roof are six ridge-logs, meet- 
ing two by two above the ridge in double hom- 
like projections, straight or curved more or less 
downwards*. One of the projections of the fore- 
most pair of ridge-logs, which had been broken 
off and glued on after the discovery of the um, 
is now missing. The end of the corresponding 
projection of the next pair of ridge-logs is also 
broken off and missing. Each of the projections 
was decorated with a round bronze cap fastened 
to its point; two of these caps are preserved, one 


existence of drainage channels cut in the living rock 
around the Iron Age hut foundations excavated on the 
Palatine, as described by S. M. Puousi, Gii abitatori 
primitivi del Palatino attraverso le testimonianze archeo- 
logiche e le nuove indagini stratigrafiche sul Germalo, in 
Mon. Ant., 41, 1951, cc. 47 ff., Figs. 16 — 17 and Tav. I. 

* The raised ribs generally seen on the roofs of Italic 
Iron Age hut ums are mostly taken to represent the rafters 
of real hut roofs, according to the terminology used by 
F. v. Behn, Hausumen (1924), F. v. Duhn, Italische 
Gräberkunde, I (1924), J. Sundwall, Die italischen 
Hütteraumen (Acta Academiae Aboensis, Humaniora, 
1V:5, 1925), W. R. Bryan, Itaüc Hut Ums and Hut 
Um Cemeteries (Papers and Monographs of the Ameri- 
can Academy in Rome, IV, 1925), and many other scho- 
lars writing on the matter. Others again, in view of the 
fact that rafters are not visible from the outside of a 
completed roof, have interpreted the ribs as rafters pro- 
jected on to the outside of the roof for the sake of exacti- 
tude or in order to maintain the vasal character of the 
um; cf. A. Grenier, Bologne villanovienne et dtrusque, 
p. 81; G. Pinza, Monumenti primitivi di Roma e del 
Lazio, in Mon. Ant., 15, 1905, cc. 473 f.; S. M. Puglisi, 
op. cit., cc. 73 f. But the fact that the ribs often stop at 
or above the beginning of the eaves and are sometimes 
curved or bent angularly at their lower ends, perhaps in 
Imitation of some contrivance for fastenin g, makes it 
probable that they represent logs placed over the ridge 
and below the vent-holes to weigh down the wattle-and- 
daub covering of real hut roofs, like the ridge-logs still 
to be seen on thatched roofs of Scanian, Danish, and 
North German peasant houses; cf. A. Andren, Architec- 
tural Terracottas from Etrusco-ItalicTemples, p. XXV ; Id. , 
Origine e formazione deH’architettura templare etrusco- 
italica, in Rend. Pont. Accad. Rom. di Arch., 32, 1 959 — 60, 
p. 51, note 73. This is confirmed: a) by the hut um from 
Tomb Q of the Forum necropolis, which presen ts the pecu- 
liar feature of having very short ribs made separately and 
fastened across the ridge with bronze pins; cf. G. Boni, 


remaining in situ, the other glued on to its origin- 
al place. 

In the roof there are a great number of perfor- 
ations. Some of these are in a row along the 
edges of the semielliptical end-pieces of the ridge. 
Others are in a row along the edge of the eaves 
and are spaced in a manner showing that the 
artisan started piercing the clay at the back, 
where the holes are set very closely, then pro- 
ceeded leaving greater interstices between the 
holes, and stopped at some distance from the 
starting-point. The irregulär spacing suggests 
that the artisan regarded these perforations as a 
conventional omamentation and had no sense 
of their original purpose, which may have been 
that of imitating some decoration or withe plait- 
ing along the eaves of real huts. Other perfora- 


in Not. scavi, 1906, pp. 11 ff., Figs. 5—6; J. Sundwall, 
op. cit., pp. 50 f., Rom, No. 5; E. Gjerstad, Early Rome, 
II, p. 30, Fig. 19:1; b) by a hut um from Vulci, which has 
along its ridge a series of very short ribs of a form that 
excludes their being imitations of rafters; cf. R. Vighi, 
II nuovo Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia, Tav. 5; R. 
Bartoccini, Vulci, storia scavi rinvenimenti (1960), p. 5, 
Tav. II, Fig. 2; A. Andren, Origine etc., pp. 53 f., Fig. 21 ; 
M. Moretti, II Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia, p. 28, 
Fig. 21; c) by a recently discovered hut um from Vulci, 
which— like another Italic hut um described by Gisela 
M. A. Richter, in Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum 
of art, New York, 34, 1939, pp. 66—68, Figs. 1—2— 
is peculiar by being made entirely of sheet bronze, with 
pairs of separate ornamental bronze rods across the ridge 
and a series of bronze ringlets along the eaves; I am in- 
debted to Dr. M. Moretti, Soprintendente and Director 
of the Museo di Villa Giulia, for having kindly shown me 
this hut um and allowed me to make a note of it; d) by 
the well-known bronze house um from Civita Castellana, 
which is also provided with separate bronze Strips placed 
cross-wise along the ridge; cf. G. Q. Giglioli, L’arte 
etrusca, Tav. IV :4. My interpretation has been accepted 
by E. Gjerstad, op. cit., II, p. 30, note 1, and by P. G. 
Gierow, The Iron Age Culture of Latium, 11:1 (1964). 

The V-shaped projections which are ran ged along the 
ridge of the roof of many Italic Iron Age hut ums, and 
are sometimes transformed, especially in Etruria, into 
more or less hom-like, Serpentine or anserine shapes, thus 
have a structural origin, reproducing the crossed upper 
ends of the ridge-logs, which were probably similarly 
transformed in many real huts, for decoration and/or 
with an apotropaic intention, and— it is reasonable to 
suppose— without any inspiration from the “Mond- bzw. 
Hömerpaarmotiv” of Minoan and sub-Minoan represen- 
tations, as proposed by H. Müller-Karpe, Vom Anfang 
Roms, pp. 48 f.; cf. M. Pallottino, Le origini di Roma, 
in Archeologia Classica, 12, 1960, p. 15, and E. Gjerstad, 
in Gnomon, 33, 1961, pp. 378 ff. 


31 


Digitized by LjOOQle 






Fig. 2. MM 1964:20. Fig. 3. MM 1964:20. 


tions, a little larger than those mentioned, are this decoration are to be seen all ovcr thc um. 

placed two by two radially at eight equidistant On the door-slab, within a border composed of 

places higher up on the eaves in such a way that a zigzag line between two straight iines, is a 

the lower hole of each pair goes through the square field divided into four parts filled with 

roof outside, the upper one inside the wall, angles. Round the wall, between double borders 

which is itself pierced by a similar hole just be- of similar zigzag bands, was a series of square 

low each pair of these perforations. The placing “metopes”, each consisting of a frame of zigzag 

of these triplet perforations makes it highly bands round a field filled with angles or other 

probable that they are meant to indicate how geometric patterns now hardly distinguishable. 

the roof was fastened to the wall in real huts, by On the eaves are traces of a series of disconnected 

binding it on with withes passed through both meander hooks above two concentric zigzag 

members. There is nothing, however, to suggest bands. On one of the ridge-logs are remains of 

that pins, threads or wires have been actually two interwoven zigzag lines. The projecting 

passed through anyof the perforations described. parts of the ridge-logs are decorated with small 

The um was also adorned, as already stated, encircling stripes of white, zebra-fashion. An 

with geometric omament in white. Remains of analysis carried out by Mrs. Eva Brita Blomberg 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 


33 


at the laboratory of the Museum of National 
Antiquities, Stockholm, has shown that the en- 
tire geometric decoration of our hut um, and 
the similar decoration seen on some Villanova 
sherds found during the excavations undertaken 
at Veii by the British School at Rome, are exe- 
cuted with very thin Strips or lamellae of tin 
applied to the surface of the impasto (Fig. 4), as 
was rightly suggested by a member of the School, 
Miss Joanna Close-Brooks**. 

The extensive usc of bronze Ornaments, per- 
forations, and geometric decoration executed in 
the manner just mentioned, combine to make 
this hut urn a particularly fine and interesting 
specimen of its kind*. But what makes it still 


4 I am much indebted to Miss Close-Brooks for ha- 
ving revised this and the following article in point of 
language and made the suggestions mentioned. I also 
wish to express my gratitude to Mrs. Blomberg for the 
spectographic analysis referred to. 1 give here an English 
version of Mrs. Blomberg’s report of this analysis. 

“The analysis was carried out on samples of metal inlay 
on the door of the hut um. The following spectra lines 
were measured on the plate: 

2354 Sn 2663 Pb 

2706 Sn 2666 Cu 

2840 Sn 3247 Cu 

2863 Sn 3273 Cu 

3175 Sn 
3262 Sn 

1t is thus seen that the metal inlays mainly consist of tin. 
The amount of copper is not sufficiently large to raise the 
melting temperat u re of the metal appreciably above 300° 
C (the melting point of tin), whence it must be assumed 
that the metal was applied to the vessel after the firing. 
The pattem was perhaps marked on the clay before the 
firing with incisions in which the tin was subsequently 
laid. As shown by micro-photographs, the metal was 
applied in the form of bands folded into angles to obtain 
the decoration.” 

For vases and hut ums with decoration executed by 
means of tin or lead lamellae, and for the methods used 
for the application of such lamellae, generally with some 
resinous glue, cf. Berta Stjernquist, Omamentation 
mdtallique sur vases d’argile, in Meddelanden frän Lunds 
universitets historiska museum, 1958, pp. 107 ff., and 
La decorazione metal lica delle ceramiche villanoviane, 
in CiviltA del ferro (Bologna 1960), pp. 431 ff. 

* The decoration of Italic Iron Age clay hut ums with 
bronze omaments is probably a feature taken over from 
hut ums of bronze like those referred to in note 2. Any- 
how, such omaments are rare and generally consist of 
miniature garlands or pendants hanging from the eaves, 


more interesting is the unparalleled feature of its 
having no bottom. The lower edge of its wall is 
largely covered by a white calcareous matter re- 
sembling fine mortar, traces of which are also 
left on the inside of the wall below, on and above 
the socle on its outside and, as already mention- 
ed, on the lower part of the door-slab. This 
calcareous matter has been examined by Mrs. 
Blomberg and Dr. Vessberg, who share the 
opinion expressed by Miss Close-Brooks that it 
is of the same nature as the deposit often seen 
on Villanova ossuaries, which probably comes 
from the tufa ground upon which the vessels 
were placed. In spite of this deposit it can be 
clearly seen that the wall has no traces of break s 


or of small nails fixed along the edges of the eaves and/or 
in the clay plugs used to close the vent-holes; cf. I. Falchi, 
Vetulonia e la sua necropoli antichissima, pp. 55 ff., Tav. 
IV :4 and 10; Sundwall, op.cit., Vetulonia, Nos. 3, 30, 
35—37, Tarquinia, Nos. 4 and 6; Bryan, op.cit., Nos. 3Z 
44, 45, 53, Fig. 13; G. Q. Giouou, op.cit., Tav. 111:1 ; D. 
Le vi, in Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, Italia, Fase. VIII, 
Firenze, Fase. I, Tav. 9:18, 10:19. 

There is no parallel, as far as I am aware, to the System 
of triplet perforations piercing roof and wall at cquidistant 
points, as seen in our hut um. A row of perforations along 
the edge of the eaves, on the other hand, is a common 
feature of a great number of hut ums from Vetulonia and 
is also met with in some hut ums from Latium; cf. 
Sundwall, op.cit., Vetulonia, Nos. 1—4, 6—7, 11, 13, 
16, 25, 27, 30, 36—39, Albanergebirge, Nos. 3, 4, 10, 13; 
Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, Figs. 12:1, 43:1, 190, 198:3, 200:6. 
Three hut ums from Vetulonia present the peculiar feature 
of having, among the small perforations of the eaves, 
some 1 arger holes, equidistant and conesponding with 
similar holes in the socle; cf. I. Falchi, op.cit., p. 49, 
Tav. III :9, pp. 77 ff.; Sundwall, op.cit., pp. 9 ff., Vetu- 
lonia, Nos. 13, 16, 25; Bryan, op.cit., No. 39; D. Levl 
op.cit., Tav. 6:23, 7:28, 9:18, 12:9 and 11. These larger 
holes were probably made to receive pins represenüng 
wooden props supporting the eaves in real Iron Age huts, 
in the manner illustrated by African huts of today; cf., 
for instance, those of a Gwemba Tonga village in North- 
ern Rhodesia, reproduced in The Illustrated London 
News, June 20, 1964, p. 988, Fig. 1 . In this connexion must 
also be mentioned a well-known hut um from Campe 
Fattore, Marino, with two detached pillars of clay sup- 
porting the eaves on either side of the door; cf. Sundwall. 
op.cit., Albanergebirge, No. 7; Puousr, op.cit., Fig. 24; 
Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, pp. 117 f., Figs. 60—61:1. 

Hut ums with geometric decoration, incised,or executed 
with tin lamellae, are frequent among those found at 
Vetulonia, Tarquinia, and Biscnzio, less frequent among 
those from Latium; cf. Sundwall, op.cit., Vetulonia, Nos. 
7, 11, 13, 16, 17, 19, 25, 27, 30, 31,35— 37, Tarquinia, Nos. 
2—7, Visentium, Nos. 1 —3, 13, Albanergebirge, Nos. I, 


34 


Digitized by kjooole 



or secondary cutting along its lower edge on the 
inside, but is finished oflf smoothly, thus showing 
that the um was really made without a bottom 4 . 
It can also be seen, when studying the um from 
below, that the inside of the roof is blackened 
as if by a Smoking fire. 

For the explanation of these facts we have to 
rely on what may be inferred from the facts 
themselves, since no information is available as 
to the grave in which the um was found. In my 
opinion, the only possible explanation is the 
following one. Just as the lid of Italic Iron Age 
ash ums of ordinary shape was sometimes made 
in the form of a hut roof 4 , symbolizing that the 


7, 10, 12, Rom, Nos. 4, 6; Gjerstad, op.cit., II, Figs. 
105:2, 226:1; Gierow, op.cit., II :1, Figs. 44:2, 61:1, 198:3. 

A hut um discussed by S. M. Puglisi, in Bull. Paletn. 
Ital., 8, 1953, pp. 32 ff., and by the present author in Rend. 
Pont. Accad. Rom. di Arch., 32, 1959 —60, pp. 57 f., 
Fig. 23, is peculiar in having a very high-pitched roof with 
perforated eaves, a coarsely modelled human figure placed 
on the roof above the door, and notched ridge-logs reach- 
ing the edge of the eaves and terminating above the ridge 
in almost horizontal projections, with two additional 
pairs of similar projections placed directly on the ridge; 
in each projection of the four front pairs is a hole perhaps 
for some bronze omament now lost. This um is of un- 
known provenance and has been thought to come from 
Latium; but its pot-shaped body without a socle, its un- 
framed door-opening, and the fastening of its door-slab 
with bronze rings, instead of the usual bolting pin, suggest 
that it may have been found at Bisenzio, where hut ums 
with similar features have been discovered; cf. Sund wall, 
op.cit., pp. 25 ff., Visentium, Nos. 1—13; Bryan, op.cit., 
Nos. 57-65, Figs. 17-21 a-b. 

4 I know of no other Italic hut um made without a 
bottom. A hut um from Montecucco in the Museo Gre- 
goriano of the Vatican, described by G. Pinza, Materiali 
per la etnologia antica toscano-laziale, p. 55, Fig. 38, Tav. 
VI:3; Sundwall, op.cit., p. 39, Albanergebirge, No. 8; 
Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, pp. 348 f., Fig. 208:1, is said to have 
served as a cover (“soll als Deckel gedient haben“) but is, 
anyhow, provided with a regulär bottom. 

4 Cf. the list given by Bryan, op.cit., pp. 193 ff., Nos. 
1—15, 20; Gjerstad, op.cit., II, Figs. 42:2-3, 236:2-3; 
Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, Figs. 19:2-3, 27:2-3, 33:17-20, 
46:35, 58:8, 181:36-37, 194:24, 203:54, 206:27-28. Of 
especial interest is a jar from Castel Gandolfo with a 
framed rectangular side opening like the door of a hut um 
and a hut-roof lid made in one piece with the vase; cf. 
Gierow, op.cit., 11:1, Fig. 201:14. Another interesting 
hybrid form is represented by a number of ossuary lids 
in the form of a helmet crowned by a small imitation hut 
roof instead of the usual knob; cf. Bryan, op.cit., pp. 
197 ff., Nos. 16-19, 21-23; Vighi, op.cit., Tav. 3; 
Moretti, op.cit., pp. 26 f., Fig. 16. 


um was the house of the dead, so here, exceptio- 
nally, the whole hut um was made, bottomless, 
to be used as a cover over a pit in the living rock, 
containing the bumt remains of a body. These 
remains were evidently still smouldering when 
the um was put in its place. Since the um is 
remarkably well preserved, it was probably pro- 
tected by a stone slab covering the pozzo or per- 
haps by some stone construction like the small 
tholos in which was discovered a well-known 
hut um from Veiletri*. 

As already stated, the purchasing museum has 
no information as to the place where the urn was 
discovered, and there is reason to suppose that 
the discovery has been purposely kept a com- 
plete secret. The um, however, is clearly shown 
to come from Etruria by such details as the 
large and fanciful projections of the ridge-logs, 
the large round vent-holes, and the fastening of 
the door-slab by passing the bolting pin through 
perforations made in the door-frame and in a 
projection on the inside of the slab, for these 
features are mostly found, separately or together, 
in hut ums from Etruria 7 , whereas in the hut 
ums from Latium, which are earlier than the 
great majority of those found in Etruria, the 
projections of the ridge-logs are generally short 
or non-existent, the vent-holes non-existent or 
indicated by a curved or triangulär hood, and 
the door-slab usually fastened with a pin passed 
through two perforated projections on the door- 
posts and another on the outside of the slab 8 . It is 
even possible to ascribe the um to a definite site 
in Etruria, in view of the fact that, except for 
its lack of a bottom, its bronze omaments, and 

• Cf. F. Barnabei, in Not. scavi, 1893, pp. 198 ff., 
Fig. 1. 

7 Cf. the hut ums from Vetulonia, Tarquinia, Bisenzio 
and Vulci already referred to, some of which are also 
illustrated in Bryan, op.cit., Figs. 6-7, 11—14, 18—21 
a— b, and in addition another hut um from Vulci repro- 
duced in Moretti, op.cit., Fig. 20. 

8 This is true of almost every hut um described in the 
works of Gjerstad and Gierow quoted above. It also 
applies to the hut um from the territory of Rieti published 
by D. Brusadin, in Bull. Paletn. Ital., 65, 1956, pp. 449 ff, 
Fig. 2. 


35 


Digitized by LjOOQle 




Fig. 4. Micro-photograph of the decoration of the hui um 
MM J 964: 20. Enlargement to ca. 7 limes the size. 


Fig. 5. Hut um from Vulci in the 
Museo di Villa Giulia, Rome. Photo 
Soprintendenza alle Antichit ä de IT 
Etruria Meridionale. 



36 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 



its many perforations, it presents so great a simi- 
larity to a hut um from Vulci in the Museo di 
Villa Giulia in Rome (Fig. 5)® that it may be 
reasonably supposed to come from the same 
Etruscan city and even from the same workshop 
a s this other urn. 

The Swedish museum is to be congratulated on 
having been able to acquire— once it had been 

• Vighi, op.cit., Tav. 4; Bartoccini, op.cit., p. 5, Tav. 
II, Fig. 1; Moretti, op.cit., Fig. 22; A. BoMthius, The 
Etruscan Cfenturies in Italy, in Etruscan Culture, Land 
and People, p. 24, Fig. 21. This hut um has unperforated 
eaves, semielliptical end-pieces to the ridge with round 
vent-holes and perforated edges, a well-preserved geo- 
metric decoration probably executed with tin or lead la- 
mellae, and striped ridge-log projections without bronze 
caps; each of the two ultimate projections at the back 
is perforated with a round hole near its top. The bott- 
om of the um projects as a small platform in front of 


brought to light and into the antiquarian market 
outside Italy— this exceptionally interesting Iron 
Age hut um. But at the same time there is every 
reason to deplore that it has been unearthed by 
clandestine diggers in a manner that has deprived 
us of all knowledge of the form and funeral fur- 
niture of the grave in which it was once deposit- 
ed. 

the door-sill, but there is no socle. The door-slab was 
fastened, as in the um of the Stockholm museum, with a pin 
passed through a hole in the wall behind the right-hand 
door-post and then through a perforated projection on 
the inside of the slab, there being no corresponding hole 
behind the left-hand door-post. The same System of fasten- 
ing the door-slab is to be observed in the vulcentine hut 
um referred to in note 2 (b). Both these ums were disco- 
vered clandestinely in the Cavalupo necropolis, “particu- 
larmente presa di mira dai nuovi saccheggiatori” (Bar- 
toccini, loc.cit.). 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 


37 



An Italic Iron Age Belt Plate 


ARVID ANDRfiN 


The bronze plate reproduced in Fig. 1 was pre- 
sented to the Museum of Mediterranean and 
Near Eastem Antiquities in Stockholm by the 
present author, who had received it from Signor 
M. Barsanti in Rome, in retum for some archaelo- 
gical publications. The plate (Inv. No. MM 
1964:21) consists of a sheet of bronze, perfectly 
circular (diam., 18.2 cm., thickness, 0.1 cm.) 
and slightly convex-concave in the middle. The 
convex side of the plate is decorated with a 
stamped and incised geometric design. In the 
middle is a five-poiilted star outlined with double 
rows of stamped dots, around a central motif of 
incised concentric circles; the spaces between the 
five points are filled with angles made with a 
fine-toothed tool. The star is surrounded by 
three concentric zones, each composed of a 
zigzag band executed with a triangulär stamp 
and bordered on either side by a band of con- 
centric incised lines; the zones are separated 
from each other and from the central omament 
by concentric rows of stamped dots. The design 
is further enriched by a number of small knobs 
made by driving a blunt tool against the un- 
decorated concave side of the plate, five knobs 
being placed in the angles between the points of 
the star, and four knobs in each of the concentric 
zigzag bands. 


The plate is perforated by ten round holes 
placed two by two in the outer zigzag band, four 
pairs of holes at one side of the plate, with inter- 
stices of 2.0, 2.5, and 3.5 cm. between the pairs. 
and the fifth pair at the opposite side of the plate. 
At the side perforated by the close-set pairs of 
holes a piece of the plate has been broken off 
and reattached in antiquity, probably with wires 
(now lost) fastened in two other pairs of holes 
bored through the edge of the plate at the ends 
of the severed piece, one hole on either side of 
the break; the fourth hole was in a small frag- 
ment now missing. 

The form, size and decoration of the plate, 
and the original set of perforations, denote that 
we have to do with a piece of armour of a kind 
known to us through the fumiturc of early in- 
humation tombs discovered in the territories 
once inhabited by the ancient Umbri, Sabini, 
Picentes, Vestini, Aequi, Marsi, Paeligni, and 
Samnites; the chief find-places are at Perugia, 
Bevagna, Norcia, and Chieü, at Rapagnano, 
Belmonte Piceno, and Numana, in the region of 
Aquila and in that of Alba Fucense, at Alfedena, 
and in the Basilicata 1 . Sporadic examples have 


1 Cf. M. Guardabassi, in Not. scavi, 1880, pp. 20 ff.. 


38 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 



Fig . 1. Bronze plate. MM 1964:21. 



also come to light at Palestrina 2 , Capena 2 , 
Cerveteri 4 , Tolfa-Allumiere 4 , Vetulonia 4 , and 
Pisa (?) 7 . Three plates, oncc in thc possession of 
the clder Signor Barsanti in Rome*, are so like 
the one described here that all four of them may 
be considered to come from the same site, which 
is, however, nnknown. 


Tav. II: 8—10, 17—19; F. Raffaelu, in Not. scavi, 1881, 
pp. 164 f., with Fig.; A. De Nino, in Not. scavi, 1885, pp. 
658 f; A. Furtwängler, in Arch. Anz., 1893, pp. 88 f., 
No. 14; L. Pigorini, in Not. scavi, 1895, pp. 255 ff., Figs. 
5—9; L. Mariani, Aufidena, in Mon. Ant., 10, 1901, pp. 
348 ff., Tav. XIII; I. Dall’Osso, Guida illustrata del 
Museo di Ancona (1915), Figs. on pp. 113, 116, 118, 121, 
and 138; G. Pinza, Matcriali per la etnologia antica 
toscano-laziale, I (1915), pp. 147 ff.; V. Dumitrescu, 
L’etä del ferro nel Piceno (Bucarest 1929), pp. 44 ff., Fig. 
6; P. Marconi, La cultura orientalizzante nel Piceno, in 
Mon. Ant., 35, 1933, pp. 358 ff., Tav. XXII; G. Moretti, 
11 guerriero italico di Capestrano (1936), Tav. VI: 1, 2, 5, 


Among the plates thus discovered, one earlier 
and one later type may be clearly distinguished. 
The plates of the earlier, Iron Age, type consist, 
like our specimen, of a circular bronze sheet 
worked into a convex-concave shape and deco- 
rated with stamped and incised or open-work 
geometric pattems arranged in concentric zones 


6; U. T ar chi, L’arte etrusco-romana nell’Umbria e nella 
Sabina (1936), Tav. CIV. 

* G. Pinza, op.cit., p. 150, Tav. 3. 

* R. Paribeni, Necropoli del territorio capenate, in 
Mon. Ant., 16, 1906, pp. 410 ff., Tav II. 

4 W. Helbig, Das homerische Epos aus den Denkmä- 
lern erläutet (2. Aufl., 1887), pp. 319 f., Fig. 122; L’6pop6e 
homärique (1894), p. 409, Fig. 148. 

* G. A. Colini, in Bull. Paletn. Ital., 35, 1910, p. 178, 
Tav. XIV :4. 

* I. Falchi, in Not. scavi, 1900, pp. 479 f., Fig. 11. 

7 P. Marconi, op.cit., pp. 359 ff., Fig. 32. 

* G. Pinza, op.cit., p. 150, Tav. 4. 


39 


Digitized by GiOOQle 


around a central geometric motif. These plates 
are generally, but not always, provided with 
holes like those seen in our specimen, three, four, 
or five holes, or pairs of holes, being placed 


Fig. 2. The warrior of Capestrano. Museo Naziortale , 
Chieti. Photo Anderson. 



along the edge of the disc on one side, and 
another hole, or pair of holes, on the opposite 
side. The holes were made to hold nails with 
large, knob-like heads, partly preserved in some 
plates; the nails were held in place by having 
their ends turned into a small loop at the back 
of the plate. The plates were often found in pairs 
of one larger and another smaller specimen, the 
latter decorated like the larger one, but with one 
single hole or nail in the centre. There are also a 
few plates in which the zones of geometric oma- 
ment include a zone of phantastic animals or 
other orientalizing designs executed in the same 
manner as the geometric omamentation. 

In the plates of the later type, ascribable to 
the period of orientalizing art, animals of the 
same phantastic shape retum as a dominating 
omament, enlarged and executed in relief, within 
a row of knobs ranged along the periphery of the 
plate. There are also undecorated plates border- 
ed by a similar row of knobs, or by a plain raised 
edge. All these plates, plain or decorated with 
reliefs, were generally strengthened by an iron 
ring and leather covering at the back, and were 
also provided with ornamental bronze straps 
fastened to diametrically opposite points of 
their periphery, uniting one plate to another 
similar one. The later development of this type 
of plate is illustrated by two plates from Rapa- 
gnano, decorated within a raised border with 
figured scenes in relief representing warriors in 
combat and executed in a style attesting influenae 
from archaic Greek art of the early fifth Century 
B.C . 9 On the borders of these plates are pairs or 
triplets of nail-heads, placed not at diametrically 
opposite points, but at the ends of radii drawn 
at right angles. 

The perforations, nail-heads, and straps re- 
gularly appearing on and with the plates make 
it evident that these plates were not used as 
phalerae, shield-buckles, or lids for situlae, as 


•I. Dall’Osso, op.cit., Figs. on pp. 113 and 116; R. 
Mac Iver, The Iron Age in Italy, PL 29. 


40 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 


some earlier scholars thought 10 , but were parts 
of belts wora— as was clearly shown by a tomb 
at Alfedena 11 — over the right shoulder, so that 
one plate covered part of the ehest and the other 
plate, which was sometimes smaller, was at the 
back of the warrior. 

The best illustration of how these beit plates 
were wom is however given by the famous 
Warrior of Capestrano (Fig. 2), although some 
details were not made quite clear by the sculptor 
who carved this remarkable statue 12 . The two 
plates, covering parts of the sword-belt, are con- 
nected by a broad strap passed over the right 
shoulder and fastened to either plate with a 
rectangular piece of metal nailed on to plate 
and strap. On the front plate, at a point on the 
periphery opposite to where the shoulder strap 
is fastened, is a loop from which issues a smaller 
strap passed under the left arm; at the back of 
the statue, however, there are two similar straps 
brought up from under the left arm and seeming- 
ly connected with the sword-belt, though one of 
them at least ought to be attached to a correspond- 
ing loop on the back plate. Another strap issues 
from the edge of the back plate without any visible 
attachment to it and passes under the right arm 
but does not reappear on the front of the statue. 

In spite of these inconsistencies, the Cape- 


10 Cf. G. Pinza, op.cit., p. 147 and notes 2—4, p. 148 
and notes 3—4. The plate from Cerveteri described by 
W. Helbig, op.cit., is said to have preserved at the peri- 
phery “Fragmente der umgebenden bronzenen Schild- 
fläche”. The plate, however, presents the regulär perfora- 
tions of three + one hole and was thus apparently made 
as a beit plate. A row of smaller holes round its periphery 
and the fragments spoken of by Helbig suggest, however, 
that it may have been reused as a shield buckle. 

11 L. Mariani, op.cit., p. 300, Fig. 44; G. Pinza, op.cit., 
p. 151, Fig. 98; G Moreto, op.cit., Tav. V:7. 

19 In addition to the figures and plates of G. Moretti’s 
fundamental publication of the Warrior, already cited, cf. 
especially A. BoEthius, Livy 8, 10, 12 and the Warrior 
Image from Capestrano, in Eranos, 54, 1956, pp. 202— 
210, with a drawing of the Warrior’s equipment reproduc- 
ed in Fig. 2. Cf. also G. Cressedi, in Enciclopedia del- 
l’arte antica, II, pp. 320 f., with bibhography. 


strano Warrior confirms what may be deduced 
from the holes and nail-heads of the actual plates, 
namely that there were necessarily, in addition 
to the beit straps carrying the plates, some other 
strap or straps fastened to the periphery of one 
plate at various points and then passed round 
the body to be connected with the other plate, 
or perhaps with the sword-belt, all in order to 
keep the plates securely in position, which must 
have been of vital importance should they really 
protect the heart. Even so, the two beit plates 
were of course a very primitive and insufficient 
means of protecting. An improvement may have 
been accomplished by simply putting on a second 
plate beit across the first one and a third plate 
beit around the waist, so that heart and lungs 
were covered by two breast plates and the dia- 
phragm above the mitra by the third plate. The 
two or three plates thus arranged were probably 
connected permanently, in a second stage of de- 
velopment, at the points where they touched each 
other, as is suggested by certain tomb and vase 
paintings 18 . Finally, the three plates were merged 
into one triangulär breast-plate of the Samnitic 
type known through tomb and vase paintings 14 , 
bronze statuettes 15 , and several well-preserved 
examples found in tombs e.g. at Sulmona 14 , 
Alfedena 17 , Ruvo 18 , and Paestum 12 . 

18 Cf. F. Weege, Oskische Grabmalerei, in Jahrbuch 
des Deutschen Arch. Inst., 24, 1909, pp. 99 ff., Fig. 9; 
A. D. Trendall, Paestan Pottery (1936), Pis. XXXI b, 
XXXIII c. 

14 Cf. E. Petersen, in Röm. Mitt., 11, 1896, pp. 265 ff., 
with Fig. on p. 267; F. Weege, op.cit., Fig. 13. 

18 Cf. especially the bronze Statuette of a Samnite war- 
rior in the Louvre, described by A. De Ridder, Bronzes 
antiques du Louvre, No. 124, Fig. 9; P. Ducati, LTtalia 
antica, Plate facing p. 256; Enciclopedia dell’arte antica, 
IV, p. 266, Fig. 314. 

18 G. Moretti, op.cit., Fig. 8. 

17 L. Mariani, op.cit., pp. 358 f., Fig. 78. 

18 E. Petersen, in Röm. Mitt., 12, 1897, pp. 112 ff., 
123 f., Fig. 1: 6; F. Weege, op.cit., Figs. 21 —22. 

19 P. C. Sestieri, in Not. scavi, 1957, pp. 174 f., 
Fig. 3. 


41 


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Vaso d’ impasto a decorazione graffita 
con teoria di animali fantastici 1 


ANNA MURA 


II vaso che presento in questo articolo £ stato 
acquistato recentemente da S. M. il Re Gustavo 
Adolfo di Svezia, presso un antiquario romano, 
ed £ attualmente conservato nel Medelhavs- 
museet Stockholm (MM 1964:6). Si tratta di 
un’olla di piccole dimensioni (alt. m. 0,25; diam. 
mass. m. 0,254; imboccatura diam. m. 0,152; 
base diam. m. 0,8), di argilla non depurata, 
lavorata a tomio e con la superficie ornata a 
graffito e lucidata a stecca. II vaso, restaurato 
da numerosi frammenti e mancante di parti, 
ha corpo globulare, piccolo piede a listello, collo 
cilindrico con imboccatura svasata e scanalata 
airinterno (figg. 1 e 3). 

La decorazione graffita, delimitata da due 
linee parallele, ricopre tutta la superficie del vaso 
a partire dalla spalla. Su di essa, infatti, £ una 
fila di doppi archetti intrecciati, sul ventre una 
teoria di animali fantastici gradienti verso destra, 
formata da due figure feline e due equine (fig. 2 a, b). 
Le figure sono caratterizzate da corpi molto 
allungati e arcuati, nei quali l’impalcatura delle 
costole £ espressa con un motivo di gruppi di 
linee oblique e convergenti. I felini hanno fauci 
spalancate, zampe terminanti con artigli, criniera 
segnata da un motivo a squame. I cavalli hanno 
sul petto un motivo a croce uncinata. Tutte le 
figure presentano sul dorso una protome caprina 

42 


e sotto il ventre singole o doppie volute campite 
da linee verticali, interrotte da un gruppo di linee 
orizzontali. 

Questo vaso si inserisce chiaramente, per la 
tecnica di esecuzione, per la tipologia, per i carat- 
teri stilistici, in quella produzione di ceramica 
d’impasto con superficie lucidata a stecca e deco- 
razione graffita con motivi di repertorio ”orien- 
talizzante”, tipica del territorio capenate* nella 
seconda meti del VII secolo a.C. 

Qualche esemplare simile non manca tuttavia 
nelle contemporanee necropoli del territorio 
falisco*. 

Il centro primario del territorio capenate, 
Capena, £ stato localizzato da recenti studi sulla 
collina di Civitucola, che sorge a breve distanza 


1 Ringrazio vivamente i proff. O. Vessberg e A. Bo6* 
thius per avermi affidato la pubblicazione di questo vaso. 
Un ringraziamento particolare desidero esprimere al prof. 
M. Pallottino, per i suggerimenti datimi nel corso del 
mio lavoro. 

‘Questo territorio, confinante con i Falisci a N, i 
Sabini ad E, i Latini a S, gli Etruschi ad O, com pr endeva 
quella parte del modemo Lazio, racchiusa tra lo sbocco 
del Gramiccia nel Tevere a S, la via Flaminia ad occidente, 
il Tevere ad Oriente. 

* Cfr. H. Holland, The Faliscans in Prehistoric Times, 
Pap. Mon. Am. Ac. Rome, V, 1925, p. 83 ss.; F. Barna- 
bei, Dei fittili scoperti nella necropoli di Narce, MALinc 
IV, 1894, p. 165 ss. 


Digitized by LjOOQle 



Fig. 1. Vaso d* impast o del territorio 
capenate. MM 1964:6. 



Fig. 2 a. MM 1964:6. La decorazione. Disegno di B. Mill - 
*xrg. 



Digitized by ^»ooQle 


43 




Fig. 4. Da G.D.B. Jones , BSR XXXI , 7av. XLIII. 


dalla moderna Capena, sulla riva destra del 
Tevere, al centro della linea che unisce il 33° km. 
della via Flaminia al 23° della via Tiberina 4 
(fig. 4). 

4 Per la identificazione del sito dell’antica Capena, si 

veda G. Mancint, NSc 1953, p. 18 ss. Per un piü completo 

Studio topografico di Capena e del territorio capenate cfr. 

G. D. B. Jones, Capena and the Ager Capenas, BSR 

XXX, 1962, pp. 116-207; XXXI, 1963, pp. 100-158. 


Scavi sistematici eseguiti nell’area della cittä e 
nelle sue necropoli: ”Le Saliere”, ”Le Macchie”, 
”Monte Comazzano”, ”S. Martino”, hanno por- 
tato alla scoperta di piü di Cinquecento tombe, 
di cui pubblicata soltanto una parte 5 * . Lo Studio 
dei materiali rinvenuti in queste tombe ci permette 
di seguire lo sviluppo culturale di questo centro 
italico dalla prima etä del ferro al II secolo a.C. € 
e di aprire uno spiragglio sui suoi rapporti com- 
merciali con i centri finitimi 7 . 

La massima espansione e floridezza Capena 
dovette raggiungere nel corso del VII secolo, 
quando in Etruria era nel pieno höre la cultura 
”orientalizzante” 8 . Nel corso del VII secolo 
Capena sviluppa, infatti, una produzione artigia- 
nale su larga scala di ceramica d’impasto caratte- 
rizzata da una decorazione graflita, excisa o 
dipinta con motivi di repertorio geometrico od 
orientalizzante. Di produzione capenate sono 
forse da ritenersi inoltre le numerose placche 
rettangolari di lamina di bronzo con pallottole 
riportate, appartenenti a cinturoni, rinvenute in 
tombe dello stesso periodo 9 . 

La produzione dei vasi d’impasto e caratteriz- 


6 R. Paribeni, NSc 1905, pp. 301-362; Id., Necro- 
poli del territorio capenate, MALinc XVI, 1906, pp. 
277-240; E. Stefani, BPI XXXVIII, 1913, p. 147 ss.; 
Id., Capena. Ricerche archeologiche nella contrada ”Le 
Saliere”, MALinc XLIV, 1958, pp. 1—204; G. Bendi- 
nelli, NSc 1922, pp. 110—147. Lo Studio complessivo 
dei risultati di queste Campagne di scavo e la pubblica- 
zione del materiale inedito, 6 oggetto di un mio lavoro 
di prossima pubblicazione cui si rimanda per piü ampie 
notizie. Brevi notizie di carattere generale su Capena e 
sulla suppellettile proveniente dalle sue necropoli 6 in 
A. Della Seta, II Museo di Villa Giulia, Roma 1918, 
pp. 321-355. 

• A questo periodo si riferisce, infatti, Tiscrizione di 
un’anfora vinaria col nome di L. Anicio, uno dei consoli 
del 160 a.C., rinvenuta in una tomba della fase piü 
tarda, cfr. E. Stefani, MALinc cit., p. 177 ss. 

7 Per i rapporti commerciali di Capena con i centri 
finitimi e per le possibili vie di comunicazione cfr. G. Co- 
lonna, Placche arcaiche da cinturone di produzione 
capenate, AC X, 1958, pp. 76—78; R. Paribeni, MALinc 
cit., pp. 488—90. 

8 Sulla cultura ”orientalizzante” e sulla sua diffusione 
in Etruria, si veda M. Pallottino in EUA X, 1964, s.v. 
”Orientalizzante”, pp. 223—237. 

9 Per lo Studio di queste placche da cinturone e per la 
loro attribuzione a produzione capenate, si rimanda al 
citato Studio di G. Colonna, p. 69 ss. 


45 


Digitized by LjOOQle 




Digitized by ^»ooQle 


zata dairintroduzione di forme nuove, accanto 
al lento trasformarsi di forme locali. II repertorio 
tipologico comprende: l’olla, il sostegno, il kan- 
tharos, l’oinochoe, lo skyphos, i piatti su piede, 
i calici. 

L’attento esame della tipologia delle forme, 
della tecnica di esecuzione e dei motivi decora- 
tivi, d permette di distinguere questi vasi in due 
gruppi, che rappresentano due periodi succes- 
sivi di una stessa produzione. Il gruppo piü 
antico 6 caratterizzato da una decorazione indsa 
o dipinta con motivi di repertorio geometrico, 
il gruppo piü recente da una decorazione graffita 


Fig. 8. Museo di Villa Giulia. 



o exdsa 10 o dipinta, con motivi di repertorio 
”orientalizzante”. 

Il repertorio capenate della fase ”orientaliz- 
zante”, alla quäle va riferita l’olla in esame com- 
prende: il cavallo, il felino, il grifo, il capride. 

Il cavallo ricorre molto spesso su olle e so- 
stegni, in teorie di tre o quattro figure gradienti 
verso destra (figg. 5 e 6) o in Schema araldico di 
due figure affrontate, separate da un motivo 
vegetale. 

10 La decorazione graffita era eseguita mediante punta 
metallica, dopo una prima essiccazione del vaso, e veniva 
riempita da una pasta bianca colorata in rosso. Nella 
decorazione excisa si procedeva dapprima a segnare con 
una punta il contomo della figura e si asportava quindi, 
a crudo, uno strato d’argilla all’interno di essa. 


Fig. 9. Museo di Villa Giulia. 



47 


Digitized by LiOOQle 


La figura felina b rappresentata gradiente, con 
fauci spalancate e zampe terminanti con artigli, 
generalmente alata. Frequente b anche il tipo 
rappresentato nell’atto di divorare una gamba 
umana 11 . II felino compare comunemente in 
teorie di tre o quattro animali gradienti verso 
destra su olle, sostegni, coperchi; piü raramente 
lo troviamo, isolato, sui lati dei kantharoi. 

La presenza di un’elegante coppa di bronzo 
sbalzato, decorata da una teoria di felini alati, 
rinvenuta in una fossa con loculo della prima 
metä del VII secolo 18 e che ritengo di produzione 
orientale 18 puö indicarci il modo in cui i motivi 
del repertorio "orientalizzante” sono giunti a 
Capena e vi sono stati, successivamente, imitati. 

Ma piu che da qualche raro prodotto di diretta 
importazione orientale, i motivi del repertorio 
oriental izzante capenate dovettero derivare dalle 
imitazioni che di tali prodotti si fecero ben presto 
nei centri deirEtruria meridionale costiera. 

Gli imbastarditi motivi del repertorio orienta- 


11 Per questo motivo, larga mente diffuso nella produ- 
zione etrusca della ceramica dipinta, nel bucchero, nel 
bronzo sbalzato e negli avori, cfr. S. Ferri, Tiriolo, NSc 
1927, p. 353; J. Szilagyi, Italo-Corinthiaca, StEtr XXVI, 
1958, p. 266 ss. 

lt La coppa, attualmente al Museo Pigorini in Roma 
(inv.n. 74446), t stata pubblicata per la prima volta da 
R. Paribeni, in MALinc cit., p. 418 ss., tav. I. 

18 Questa coppa, che costituisce un unicum nella 
suppellettile delle tombe capenati, t tra i pezzi piü belli 
della bronzistica orientalizzante in Italia. Piü volte stu- 
diata e riprodotta, t stata recentemente ripresa in esame 
da W. Llewellin Brown, The Etruscan Lion, Oxford, 
1960, p. 9 ss. Questi non avendola vista direttamente, 
la dice in pessimo stato di conservazione, eseguita con 
tecnica non accurata e di probabile fabbricazione etrusca. 
Un attento Studio di questo bronzo, che & in buono stato 
di conservazione ed eseguito con tecnica accurata, mi ha 
fatto rilevare la grande ffinitä che esso presenta col 
sostegno Barberini (cfr. W. Llewellin Brown, op. cit., 
tavv. V bl, b2) a cui deve ritenersi vicina per Stile e data- 
zione. Al pari del sostegno, la cui fabbricazione orientale 
£ stata piü volte affermata, la ritengo un prodotto di diretta 
importazione orientale. 


lizzante capenate sono, infatti, solo una lontana 
eco dei loro prototipi orientali; piü strette invece 
sono le analogie con i motivi decorativi dei 
bronzi e degli avori etruschi. 

Osservando l’olla del Medelhavsmuseet, ap- 
pare chiaro che il figulo che ne curö il graffito 
interpretö a suo modo i motivi del repertorio 
orientalizzante, complicando le figure con eie- 
menti decorativi che le dissolvono in un puro 
Schema ornamentale. Particolarmente interes- 
sante b la protome caprina con cui termina l’ala 
sul dorso dell’animale. Analogo motivo si ritrova 
su un kantharos della necropoli di S. Martine 14 
(fig. 7). 

L’olla presa in esame, simile a molte altre 
delle necropoli capenati doveva, al pari di queste, 
poggiare su un alto supporto, pure d’impasto e 
con decorazione analoga, formato da un’alta 
base troncoconica a pareti concave e da un catino 
di forma emisferica, uniti da un elemento globu- 
lare di raccordo (figg. 8 e 9). 

Completavano la suppellettile delle tombe 
capenati, riferibili al periodo cui appartiene il 
vaso suddetto: vasi di bucchero sottile, di argilla 
figulina italoprotocorinzia e italocorinzia, in pre- 
valenza aryballoi. 

Elementi di datazione per questa produzione di 
ceramica d’impasto, ci sono offerti da uno Studio 
tipologico e stilistico, convalidato dai pochi dati 
offerti dalla ceramica d’argilla figulina importata, 
che inducono a datare questa produzione nella 
seconda metä del VII secolo a.C. 

Entro questi limiti cronologici va posta l’olla 
del Medelhavsmuseet e la tomba della cui sup- 
pellettile faceva parte. 

14 II vaso si trova, al pari degli altri riprodotti per con- 
fronto in questo articolo, nel Museo di Villa Giulia a 
Roma (inv. n. 29194, t. CX1V). 


48 


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A Horseman from Asia Minor 


Ake Akerström 


Last year, on two different occasions, there were 
sold at Sotheby’s in London a number of archi- 
tectural terracottas 1 , comprising sima-tiles, re- 
vetment plaques with a flange at the top 1 , both 
with swastikas or a meander pattern, semicircu- 
lar palmette antefixes and finally a series of a 
combined lateral sima— geison revetment, de- 
corated with a horseman and a griffin. One fairly 
complete horseman tile together with a more 
fragmentary one were acquired by the Museum 
of Mediterranean Antiquities, Stockholm. These 
are the pieces I shall deal with here 1 * . 

As is well known, the fashion of protecting 
and decorating a building with terracotta was 
widely spread in the Greek and Italic world. 
The invention is to be ascribed to Corinth, 
whose manufacture of terracotta revetments 
started in the second half of the 7th Century. 
The idea was taken up in the West in Sicily, 

1 Sotheby, sale of 24th Feb. 1964, Cat., lots 50—64, and 
of 6th July 1964, Cat., lots 45—56. From a private Collec- 
tion in Switzerland. 

* Sima for the raking comice or, more probably, for 
the horizontal geison of the fa^ade cf. Sotheby, sale of 
6th July, lot 52. Revetment tile with a flange at the top 
op. cit. lots 48—51. This is what I call “Schenkelplatte” 
in my monograph Die architektonischen Terrakotten 
lÖeinasiens, 1965 (s.v. Gordion und Pazarli) and fig. 73:1. 

* 1 should like to thank Mr. Bror Millberg of the Mu- 
seum of Mediterranean Antiquities, Stockholm, and Mr. 

J.E. Sjöberg for their help with the reconstruction Fig. 4. 


South Italy and Etruria/Latium, in the East in 
Asia Minor. The manufacture in these districts 
assumed a very individual character. The 6th 
Century is the most brilliant period of architect- 
ural terracotta decoration in Greece itself, in the 
West and in the East 4 . 

Of the types mentioned above, the first three 
(sima-tiles, revetment plaques with a top flange 
and the antefixes) have been met with before as 
coming from Asia Minor, more precisely from 
the “Phrygian” district. The last-mentioned, the 
combined sima— geison revetment (with the 
horseman and griffin) will be reconstructed and 
examined below. This particular shape is a novel- 
ty, but understandable only as coming from the 
same general district. As far as I can see, all 
these types form parts of one and the same 
architectural terracotta decoration. 

1. Inv. MM 1964:17 (Fig. 1). Clay light brown, 
grey in the core owing to insufficient bring, 
with mica and an admixture of chamotte. 
The surface has been smoothed; it is covered 
with a rose-coloured slip. Paint in two matt 
colours, reddish-brown and black. 

The tile consists of two separate parts joined 
at right angle, a vertical revetment tile with 

4 Cf. my Archit. Terrakotten Kleinasiens, 1965. 


49 


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Fig. 1. Terracotta tile from Asia Minor. Medelhavsmuseet , MM 1964:17. 


two nail-holes (onc of thcm preserved) and a 
horizontal pari which is a plain sima-tile. 
Left half of thc plaque well preserved. Part of 
the horizontal sima-tile with the left raised 
side edge. Below it a torus crowning the 
figured field. Right half largely restored in 
plaster. At the bottom a square edging. The 
figures represented are a horse and horseman, 
the latter in “tricots”, preceded by a winged 
griffon towards the right. Part of the horse’s 
head and breast, and the forelegs missing. 
Of the griffin the tail and pari of the wing 
likewise missing. H. 35.3; L. 44.5 cm. Average 
thickness 3 cm. 


2. Inv. MM 1964:18 (Fig. 2). Clay and technique 
as no. 1. Left half of the vertical tile with 
horse and horseman. Lower pari of the horse’s 
forelegs missing. Only traces of slip and 
colours left. H. 33; L. 24.5 cm. Thickness as 
no. 1. 

This type of terracotta is interesting. The ver- 
tical pari with the nail-holes resembles the regu- 
lär “flange-tile” (“Schenkelplatte”), which is also 
represented in the present group of terracottas. 
But in this case the horizontal pari is not a plain 
Hange but an eaves tile, which has been made 
into a primitive sima. For, if we examine it more 
closely, it becomes clear that the side edge must 


50 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 


have continued also along thc front which is now 
missing (Fig. 3). Consequently, thcre must have 
been an outlet for water. Of the spout nothing is 
preserved, but naturally it had its place in the 
middle of the tile, where there is, in fact, a break. 
The spout itself must have been a plain one, just 
an outlet, certainly like the one we have from 
Neandria*. The latter has been used for our re- 
construction (Fig. 4). 

A combined sima— geison revetment is in it- 
self no novelty. There are two pretentious speci- 
mens from the Mainland, one from Corfu and 
another from Delphi*. Possibly there is also one 
from Asia Minor, viz. if I am right in my con- 
struction of some fragments from Sardis, which 
are in Princeton 1 * * * * * 7 * * . This one is fairly elaborate, 
too. But the plain, provincial type we have to 
deal with here, has not come to light earlier. 
So much for the type. 

The horse and horseman occupy the left half, 
or a little more than half, of the plaque. The 
horse is rearing as if it were starting a gentle 
gallop. It has a saddle-cloth, bridle and breast- 
strap; on the hindquarters a triskelion in paint. 
The rider holds the reins in his right hand, his 
left seems to be patting the neck and mane of the 
horse*. He is bearded, has long hair and a fore- 
lock. He wears a jacket with short sleeves; round 
the neck a border, at the lower end a border and 
fringe. He also wears shoes. The griffin is of 
heavy, muscular form. On the head of the griffin 
the usual “knob”; a spiral grows out from be- 
hind its ear. The wing is decorated with a cymatium. 

Colouring. Black: Outline of horse and rider; 

1 R. Koldewey, Neandria (51. Berl. Winckelmanns- 

progr., 1891), 46, fig. 66. The antefixes are here meant to 
rest on the front edge of the tile. They could also overhang 

the front and conceal the joint of the tiles. This depends 

on how the cover tile was attached to the antefix. In our 
case the antefix was overhanging (Fig. 4). 

• E.D. van Buren, Greekfict. rev., pl. XIX:62-63 and 

XXV:88 (the poor photograph does not do any justice to 
the piece). 

7 Cf. my Archit. Terrakotten Kleinasiens, fig. 24:1. 

* For some of these details cf. also Sotheby, sale of 6th 
July 1964, lots 45—47. Possibly the patting gesture of the 

left hand is a misunderstanding of the holding of the 

reins, as represented on “Clazomenian” vases; cf. CVA 

Gr. Brit. Xni, pl. 588:4 (and 6). 


hair and beard of rider; breast-strap, saddle- 
cloth, hoofs and omament on the hindquarters 
of the horse; griffin, except head; horizontal 
bordering lines of torus and of lower square 
edging. Red: Jacket, ear, shoes of rider, horse, 
head of griffin, “leaves” of cymatium on the wing. 

Trousers of the rider in the rose of the slip. 
Altemating red and rose: Horse’s mane. Upper 
torus divided in altemating black, red and rose 
fields. Lower edging red and rose squares. 

Horses and griffins are often used to form an 
antithetic group in East Greek art. Such horses 
are known from the Caeretan hydriae (whose 
painter undoubtly is East Greek in origin)*. Anti- 
thetic horses of the same sort also occur on 
sima-tiles from Sardis 10 . The griffins are also 
always used for antithetic groups on East Greek 
lateral simas, e.g. in Sardis, in Lampsakos and on 
a third piece which I take for North Ionian 11 . 

In this case, however, the artist took one horse 
and one griffin to form a procession. The result 
is that whereas the horse fills its half of the figured 
field properly, a large empty space is left above 
the griffin. The artists of the workshops on the 
coast would never try that sort of unbalanced 
composition. 

As to the type of horse, I have just referred 
to those of the Caeretan hydriae and of the sima- 
tiles from Sardis. They are all from one and the 
same stable, but they behave differently. The 
Caeretan ones rear like circus-horses, those from 
Sardis are also fairly elegant; ours is somewhat 
heavier. The general character is provincial, but 
this heavier type could well derive from a South 
Ionian counterpart or even forerunner of the 
Caeretan horses or of those from Sardis 1 *. 

• Mort. Piot 48:2, 1956, pl. VI, and my Archit. Terra- 
kotten Kleinasiens, fig. 69:2. (The horseman frieze from 
Larisa, Larisa II, 54, fig. 15 differs.) 

10 Op. cit. pl. 40 and figs. 21 —22. 

11 Op. cit. pl. 42; fig. 3; pl. 16:1. 

10 1 should like to add that the saddle-cloth with its 
scalloped edging is known to us from the “Clazomenian” 
vases. CVA Gr. Brit. XIII, pl. 585:1 -2 (cf. R. M. Cook, 
Gr. Paint. Pott., pl. 32 B) and 593:1. J. K. Anderson, 
Ancient Greek Horsemanship, 1961, 79: saddle-cloth 
with scalloped edging in Ionia. Persian influence has been 
suggested. 


51 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 



Fig. 3. The horseman plaque Fig. 1 taken from above, showing left preserved part of the horizontal plain sima-tile. In the 
middle traces of the water-spout. 

52 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 


Fig. 4. Reconstruction of the combined lateral sima-geison revetment, with cover-tile and antefix. 


What has been said of the horses holds good 
also for the griffin. 

There has always been much travelling on 
horseback in Anatolia. The fact that we are on an 
Eastem route is already indicated by the some- 
what provincial apparation of the horse and the 
griffin. Moreover, the horseman’s dress is Per- 
sian. The only thing missing is the cap. But I 
suspect the forelock to be Eastern 18 . 

Horsemen are generally out for warfare or 
hunting. Ours has no weapons for fighting and 
no equipment for hunting. He is just enjoying 
himself— as it were, setting out for a ride over 
the plain. That is what makes this decoration, 
subjectively, so pleasing and so entertaining. We 

18 Cf. F. Sarre, Die Kunst des Alten Persien, 1922, 
pl. 42. O. M. Dalton, The Treasure of the Oxus, 1905, 
PI. XIH:48. 


do not know if the artist, presumably a Greek, 
wanted to display with his Persian some sort of 
ethnographic internst. Anyhow, it is interesting 
to state that he had nothing against depicting one 
of those Eastem foreigners who were in those 
days his masters. 

The type of tile, the comparisons made above 
with East Greek horses and griffins and, on the 
other hand, the Persian character of the horse- 
man indicate that the workshop should be 
sought somewhere between the Ionian coast and 
the Phrygian interior. 

As to the dating I think it is sufficient to recall 
comparisons and suggestions made above. Our 
horseman plaque— and the whole building re- 
vetment connected with it— can be dated to the 
3rd quarter of the 6th Century, not earlier, possi- 
bly somewhat later. 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 


53 


A New Variant of the Helena Myth 


OLOF VESSBERG 


In 1963, thanks to a generous donation from 
His Majesty the King, an Etruscan bronze 
minror with a very interesting figured scene on 
the engraved side was purchased in Switzer- 
land 1 , Figs. 1—2. 

In the centre of the picture there are two 
young men, dressed in sleeveless girdled tunics, 
high-laced sandals and Phrygian caps, and both 
armed with lance and sword. The man to the 
right also wears a chlamys fastened with a 
button at his right shoulder. They both grasp 
with their right hands a windlass and a ropc 
leading down into a well-curb. Out of the mouth 
of the well-curb a human head peeps forth and 
this figure grasps the ropc with its right hand. 
In the background of this scene a building is 
visible. One can see an architrave divided into 
two fasciae y which rests on fluted columns with 
capitals of Aeolic type. The roof is bordered by 
semicircular antefixes. A broad profiled fillet 
to the right of the right-hand column can be 
supposed to belong to a doorway. Owing to the 

1 MM 1963:2. The handle (or the tang) is broken near 
the base, otherwise the mirror is well preserved. It was, 
however, rather badly tamished by oxidation which 
partly concealed the engraving and the inscriptions. 1t 
has been cleaned by Dr. E. B. Blomberg. The dimensions 
are: Diam. 13.7 cm.; Height, including the broken 
handle, 19.0 cm.; Thickness of the disk 0.2 cm. 

54 


slightly perspective drawing onemight also con- 
sider this detail to belong to the gable of the buil- 
ding . 

The representation is ilanked by two figures. 
To the right a man is seated with naked upper 
body and a mantle draped over his legs. On his 
Curling wavy hair he wears a conical cap, a 
pilos. His left hand is raised in what could bc 
called a discussion gesture (with the thumb 
against the forefinger forming a ring). He seems 
to converse with the left flanking figure, which 
makes a similar gesture with its right hand. 

This man wears a Phrygian cap, high-laced 
sandals and a mantle around his back. A flap 
of the mantle falls down below his right arm. 
He is naked otherwise and leans forward over 
the scene in the middle. His left hand rests on a 
staff-like object, which is more like a short 
stick than a lance. The figure softly follows the 
rounding of the picture-field. 

The inscriptions give certain information 
about what the scene represents. On the well- 
curb is written 1 3V|3>i 30 > Helenei, and in- 
scriptions on the frame of the mirror, which 
appeared more clearly after the restoration, give 
the names of the two flanking figures. Beside 
the man to the left is written / / /1 1/ / *£ , 

Ziumithe, Diomedes, and beside the seated man 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 




to the right 3 X \ O V , Uthste, Odysseus. 
Thus, the picture seems to show how Helena 
is windlassed up out of or down into a well 
in the presence of Diomedes and Odysseus. 

The mirror has one more inscription. On the 
frame immediately above the windlass is 
written j/3 , Alathna. This is pro- 

bably the owner’s designation. Presumably 
Alathna is identical with Alethna, the name of 
a well-known Viterbo family*. 

The picture-field is framed by a somewhat 
schematically drawn leaf-wreath, tied around 
with lined bands in four places, down at the 
handle, up at the top, and at the sides. Of the 
handle not more than the hilt is preserved, 
decorated with a leaf-omament. The reflecting 
side of the mirror is framed by a profiled egg- 
moulding, and the hilt is on this side decorated 
with a simple leaf-omament, somewhat blurred 
by oxidation. 

Our mirror brings the hitherto unique motif 
on a mirror in the Museo Archeologico in 
Fiorence* one Step closer to its solution, Figs. 
3—4. For this shows the same scene with only 
unimportant differences, but it lacks inscriptions. 
The group is exactly the same and the differen- 
ces concem only details. Ulysses is here dressed 
in a short tunic or ££o>iuc, the youths at the 
windlass lack headgear and Diomedes has a 
slightly different attitude as he raises his left 
hand grasping a lance, and keeps his right band 
resting on his hip. 

Kliigmann-Körte thought that the notable, 
quite unique motif on this mirror recalled the 
story of the death of Palamedes as described 
in Dictys Cretensis II, IS. Diomedes and 
Odysseus, who wanted to kill Palamedes, made 

* M. Pallottino, Elementi di lingua etrusca, p. 101; 
for the tomb of the Alethna family in Civita di Musama 
at Viterbo see R. Herbio, Die jüngeretruskischen Stein- 
sarkophage, pp. 75 fT. 

* Etruskische Spiegel, herausg. von E. Gerhard (in 
the following abbreviated to E.S.), Vol. 5, bearbeitet von 
A. KlOomann und G. Körte, p. 149, Taf. 111. For the 
Photograph of the mirror in Fiorence (Inv. No. 605) 1 
wish to thank Prof. Giacomo Caputo. 

56 


him believe that a treasure had been found in 
a well and that they wished to share it with him. 
They enticed him to descend into the well and 
stoned him there. 

The mirror in the Medelhavsmuseet belongs, 
as the one just mentioned, to a late group of 
Etruscan mirrors, which have been brought to- 
gether by J. D. Beazley under the name Group 
or Class Z*. This group is rather heterogeneous, 
consisting of hundreds of mirrors where, pro- 
perly, the late dating would seem to be the 
common element. Reinhard Herbig has picked 
out from this Gass Z of Beazley a group of 
mirrors which he calls “Die Kranzspiegel- 
gruppe”, and as a basis for this grouping he has 
put the frame-omaments of the mirrors, “den 
Stachelkranz”*. In other words, these mirrors 
are of the same type as our mirror in Stockholm 
dealt with here. 

The surrounding wreath on these mirrors is 
drawn in a very special way, which clearly 
indicates that they come from the same work- 
shop. The wreath seems thick or compact and 
each layer has three, in some cases four leaf-tips, 
strikingly pointed or thomy. The wreath is 
held together by ribbons or cases drawn with 
lines in different ways (parallel lines, angjes, 
diagonal checkerings). J. D. Beazley* was the 
first to call attention to these “cases”, which 
he also found on the so-called bakchoi , the 
bundles of twigs which are wom by the partici- 
pators in Dionysian and Eleusinian cult repre- 
sentations, and which are held together by 
similar cases. Such “bakchos rings” are offen 
represented separately on coins and vases. 
Beazley interpreted the mirror Ornament as a 
together-bent bakchos, which is hard to believe, 
while Herbig rightly regards it as simply a 
garland or a wreath. 

The early dating of mirrors of this type 

* EVP, 1947, pp. 130 ff.; JHS 69, 1949, pp. 1 ff., spec. 
pp. 16 f. Cf. for this group Sybille Haynes, MdI VI 
(1953), pp. 29 f. 

* St. Etr. 24, 1955, pp. 183 ff. 

* Num. Chr. 1941, pp. 1 ff. 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 




suggested by Beazley 7 , viz. to the late fourth 
Century or the third Century B.C., has deservedly 
been critidzed by Herbig, who places them in 
the second and the last Century B.C . 8 I will 
briefly call attention to some facts of importance 
for the dating. 

Herbig points to the enormous wave of curls, 
often executed in a mannered way, which sur- 
rounds -the faces of the figures, as a late Helle- 
nistic feature and looks for parallels in the 


sculpture. He selects a late terracotta sarco- 
phagus from Tuscania®, where the same man- 
nered type of hair can be seen on the lid figure, 
with curls formed into concentric semiellipses. 
This can be supplemented by several examples 
of late Hellenistic Etruscan sculpture. I will only 
mention two, a votive head from Civita Castel- 
lana 10 and the well-known group in Volterra 
with a man and a woman on a lid of a cinerary 
um 11 . The woman’s hair, combed smooth over 


» Num. Chr. 1941, p. 7; JHS, 1949, p. 17. 

8 St. Etr. 24, 1955, pp. 194 f. Cf. for the chronology G. 
A. Mansuelu, St. Etr. 20, 1949, p. 92, serie uniforme 
dei “Maestri delle Lase e dei Dioscuri”. 


• G. Q. Giguoli, L’arte etrusca, Tav. 392:1. 

10 Giguoli, L’arte etrusca, Tav. 420:2. 

11 Giguoli, L’arte etrusca, Tav. 414:2; O. Vessberg, 
Studien zur Kungstgeschichte der römischen Republik, 
pp. 242 f., Taf. 88:2. 


57 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 



Fig. 3. Etruscan bronze mirror , Museo Archeologico , Flo- 
re nee. 


the crown and surrounded by a wreath of curls, 
corresponds well with the mirror hair-types, for 
instance on the above-mentioned mirror in 
Florence. 

This mannered treatment of the curls is also 
found on coins from the first half of the last 
Century B.C. 12 

18 H. A. Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic in 
the British Museum I, pp. 343 f.; III, PI. 40:9 (85 -82 B.C). 

58 


The coins, which in their composition can 
naturally be compared with the bronze mirrors. 
often have during the period ca. 100—50 B.C. 
a leaf-wreath surrounding the picture-field in 
the same way as on the mirrors. Particularly 
similar is the wreath on the reverse of Manius 
Fonteius’ denars from about 85 B.C. 1 * I believe 
this corresponding detail in the composition of 
the mirrors and of the coins is of great impor- 
tance for the dating problem. 

Finally, it should be noted that if we have 
justly found an owner’s name in the word 
Alathna on the mirror in the Medelhavsmuseet, 
then we have every reason to connect it with 
the known Viterbo family of Alethna. This 
family had its time of prosperity during the last 
two centuries B.C., as its great tomb-structure 
in Civita di Musama at Viterbo shows 14 . 

The idea as to the reliability of the inscrip- 
tions which is expressed by the editor of the 
fiflth volume of Etruskische Spiegel, G. Körte, 
that “für die Deutung der Darstellungen von 
den Inschriften völlig abgesehen werden muss”, 
is quite erroneous. It is more important to say 
that the inscriptions are often the only help in 
interpreting the representations on the Etruscan 
mirrors. In E.S. 44 mirrors are reproduced 
which can be placed in the “pointed-wreath 
group”. Of these 22 bear inscriptions 15 . Only 
in one case is the inscription obviously wrong. 
On the mirror E.S. 5, 87:2 a malefigure, equipped 
with two hunting-spears, has been designated as 
Artumes (Artemis) 14 . It is true, as Körte points 
out, that typical or conventional figures are 
given different names on different mirrors. This, 
however, does not mean that the inscriptions 

11 Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic I, pp. 322 f.; 
III, PI. 38:11 — 13 (Manius Fonteius’ denars). 

14 Herbio, Die jüngeretruskischen Steinsarkophage, 
p. 76. 

14 These are the following: E.S. 1, 59:2 and 3; 2, 235:2; 

3, 255B; 3, 255C; 3, 257:1; 3, 260:2; 4, 284:1; 4, 346; 

4, 382:1 and 2; 4, 385; 5, 84:2; 5, 85:1 and 2; 5, 87:1 
and 2; 5, 88:2; 5, 98:1 and 2; 5, 110; 5, 118. 

16 It must be emphasized that in 1878 this mirror was 
in the market in Rome and can now hardly be traced. 
An incorrect drawing is possible. 


Digitized by ^»ooQle 


are incorrect or put thcrc by chance, but is 
due to thc engravcr’s inability to characterize 
thc persons. He reproduces stereotyped models, 
and what gives the picture its identification is 
thc inscriptions. 

It is of course more difficult to check the 
Connection between inscriptions and picture 
whcn the scene only represents a group of 
figures without action. It is easier when it 
concems more dramatic scenes. Among the 
mirrors just mentioned there are several such 


scenes. I will briefly draw attention to some of 
them in order to illustrate the relation between 
inscription and picture. 

The engraving of the mirror E.S. 4, 284:1 
represents the birth of Minerva. In the centre 
Tinia (Jupiter) is enthroned and Menrfa (Mi- 
nerva), fully armed, springs from his head. He 
is surrounded by Thalna , an Etruscan female 
god or genius, and Uni (Juno). The scene is 
flanked by two armed youths, to the left Lai an y 
certainly the same name as the common Laran 


Fig. 4. The mirror in Florence of our Fig. 3 
according to the drawing in E. S. 5,111. 



Digitized by ^»ooQle 


59 



and to the right Preale, which has been com- 
pared with the Latin proelium. Lai an has been 
combined with äXaXd, war-cry. There are strong 
reasons to suppose that these two figures are 
war-demons, which seem to be a natural 
Etruscan addition to the representation of the 
birth of the war-goddess. 

The wcll-drawn scene on E.S. 4, 385 cannot 
be connected with any known tale. It represents 
Clutmste (Klytaimnestra), Uthste (Odysseus) and 
Mente (Menelaos) together with Talmithe (Pala- 
medes), who sits in a pondering attitudc. It has 
been supposed that the scene shows how 
Klytaimnestra asks advice and help in Aulis 
from the wise diviner Palamedes in Order to 
escape Kalchas’ prophecy and save her daughter. 
This is a logical Interpretation of the picture 
which, however, cannot be proved. 

An interesting mirror in the Museo Archeo- 
logico in Florence, E.S. S, 88:2 shows how the 
supplicating Eiasun (Jason) clasps round the 
knee of a curly youth with thyrsos staff. He is 
Fufluns (Dionysos) and by bis side Stands 
Aratha (Ariadne). To the left the picture is 
delimited by Castur and to the right appears a 
winged boy on a podium, certainly a statue. His 
name is Aminth , which should be connected with 
the Latin amor. The representation seems stränge 
in the tradition relating to Jason, but as Klüg- 
mann-Körte have pointed out there exists a 
story preserved by Dracontius X, 180 ff. which 
closely agrees with this picture. Jason who was 
to be sacrificed on the altar of Diana was helped 
by Amor and Dionysos. 

The judgment of Paris is irreproachably repre- 
sented on the mirror E.S. 5, 98:2. We see 
Elachsntre (Paris), Turan (Venus), Uni (Juno) and 
(Me)nrva (Minerva), and moreover all of them 
well characterized. 

The scene on E.S. 5, 110, a mirror in the 
British Museum, is of great interest for our 
argument. It represents the death of Troilos. 
We see Achte (Achilleus) and Evas (Aias) at an 
altar. Achilleus holds the severed head of 
Troilos in his hand. Close to the dead body and 


the fallen horse at his feet is the inscription 
Truil(e). To the left the picture is delimited by 
the Etruscan death-goddess Vanth, to the right 
appears a warrior rushing forward. It is Echtur 
(Hektor) who too late hurries to help.— Troilos' 
death is a subject offen represented on Etruscan 
cinerary ums and also there Achilleus has a 
companion who on the mirror has been given 
his name, Aias 17 . This is an addition in the 
Etruscan representations which has no counter- 
part on the Greek vases, where Achilleus is 
alone. The altar is a new feature, too. The 
Etruscan representation must derive from a 
source other than epos. Perhaps Sophokles' 
tragedy Troilos or— what seems more likely— 
a later dramatic work, possibly by someone of 
the Latin tragedians. 

Such a work one also surmises as background 
for the picture on the mirror E.S. 5, 118. The 
mirror is a tomb-find from Vulci and belonged 
at the time of publication in E.S. to the Museo 
Torlonia. In the picture appears Elachsntre 
(Paris) seated in the centre. He rests his head 
on his hand with a sorrowful and irresolute 
expression. He carries a sword in a baldric 
and holds his leff hand against his shield. 
To the right is Priumne (Priamos) enthroned 
in Oriental royal dress. He rests his leff hand 
on a knotted stick and makes a gesture 
with the right. It may be a gesture of discus- 
sion or perhaps he is pointing towards the 
background. At his side Stands Ecapa (He- 
kabe) with her face tumed to him. Echtur 
(Hektor) flanks the scene to the left. He sits 
facing Paris and, like him, carries a sword. He 
looks serious and meditative. Elinai (Helena) 
Stands tumed towards him and keeps her right 
hand against her face— she may possibly be 
putting two Angers on her mouth. Unfortunately, 
the picture is damaged and indistinct here. 

One cannot speak of a real action in this 
scene, but it does not consist either of a meaning- 

17 E. Brunn, I rilievi dellc urne etrusche, 1, Tav. 54:14, 
56 : 18 , 62 - 65 . 


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less ranging of uncharacterized figures. It has a 
sentiment which connects it with the content of 
the third book of the Iliad, where Paris through 
Hektor’s reproaches is forced to fight in single 
combat against Menelaos. The picture does not 
adhere in detail to the action of the Iliad, but 
it gives a telling characterization of Paris’ 
irresolution, which is a dominating motif in 
this book. 

Helena with her family circle belong to the 
most populär motifs in Etruscan art, richly 
represented not only on the mirrors but also on 
bronze cistae, cinerary ums and vases 18 . Helena 
and Paris are often portrayed on the mirrors 
just as a famous pair of lovers without closer 
reference to any special action, e.g. on a mirror 
in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which 
represents two loving couples in elegant statuary 
poses, Achilles and Chryseis (perhaps confused 
with Briseis) and Helena and Paris 19 . Helena 
can occur alone being attired by servants in the 
presence of Turan (Aphrodite). The Interpreta- 
tion of these mirrors is disputed, however 20 . 
She can occur in her original family circle to- 
gether with her brothers Kastor and Pollux 21 . 
But above all the tale of Troy is her setting, in 
which she is described in a multitude of different 
relationships, often in scenes which quite diverge 
from the epos or from the representations in 
Greek pictorial art and therefore are difficult 
to interpret or quite incomprehensible. One may 
distinguish between two main groups of motifs 
and could entitle them Helena in Sparta and 
Helena in Troy. To the former group belong 
representations of Paris’ arrival, the persuasion 
of Helena sometimes in the presence of Turan, 
and the abduction of Helena. The last-mentioned 
motif is populär on the cinerary urns. An 

W E.S. 3, pp. 174 ff. and passim; Lilly B. Ghali- 
Kahil, Les Entevements et le Retour d’H61£ne dans les 
Textes et les Documents Figures, pp. 261 ff. 

l# The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gisela Richter, 
Handbook of the Etruscan Collection, p. 51, Fig. 149; 
Ghau-Kahil, o.c., p. 269, PI. XC1II:1. 

*• Ghau-Kahil, o.c., pp. 264 f. 

11 E.S. 5, 78. 


example of the second group has already been 
mentioned with the engraving on the mirror 
E.S. 5, 118. It is so to speak a quiet genre scene 
of Helena’s life in Troy, where the principal 
persons are represented. Judging from the 
published material it seems to be unique. A 
more common motif, on the other hand, is 
Menelaos’ and Helena’s encounter in Troy. 

In Homer we find the main outline of the 
Helena myth. In the Iliad it is related how she 
followed Paris to Troy and on several occasions 
during the war she appears in the poem as a 
Principal character. In the Odyssey the action 
continues in some episodes. She receives Odysseus 
hospitably as he, disguised as a beggar, visits 
Troy in Order to reconnoitre and she helps him 22 , 
but on the other hand she tries to help the 
Trojans by enticing the Greeks in the wooden 
horse to reveal themselves 23 . Her stay in Egypt 
during the retum to Sparta is touched upon 24 , 
and in the frame story in the fourth book of the 
Odyssey she is rehabilitated as a splendid queen 
in Sparta again. 

Thus Menelaos’ and Helena’s meeting in the 
Iliu Persis is not described in Homer. The 
destinies of Helena were further developed by 
the Cyclic poets and in the later literature, 
among others by Stesichoros and Herodotos 
and the Attic tragedians. The rhetorical authors 
made use of her story and her vicissitudes were 
parodied in the comedies. She lives in the 
Alexandrian literature and Theokritos sings of 
her beauty in his eighteenth Idyll. Also in the 
Latin literature she is a motif often used. 

On a mirror with inscription in the British 
Museum 25 Menelaos’ and Helena’s encounter 
in the Iliu Persis is represented. The same motif 
is repeated on other mirrors without inscription. 
Helena has fled to the Palladion, which she 
embraces pursued by Menelaos with drawn 
sword. He grasps her by the hair ready to 

22 Od. IV, 240 ff. 

28 Od. IV, 275 ff. 

24 Od. IV, 126. 

“ E.S. 4, 398; Ghau-Kahil, o.c., p. 270, PL 94:1. 


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strike. He is held back by Thetis, who seizes 
him by the arm and Aphrodite Stands in the 
background with her eyes fixed on him. To the 
right of the Athena statue stand Aias and 
Phulphsna who is probably identical with 
Polyxena. 

Though here iconographicaliy influenced by 
the Kassandra motif the picture corresponds 
with the many representations on Greek vases 
showing Menelaos at the destruction of Troy 
pursuing Helena**. In a large group of such 
vase paintings (and also in the Parthenon 
metopes) Menelaos is hindered in bis under- 
taking by a god, usually Aphrodite or Eros, 
and lets his sword fall vanquished by Helena’s 
beauty. According to one Statement Helena fled 
to the temple of Aphrodite * 7 and according to 
another the Greeks intended to stone her**. In the 
rieh tradition which was developed in the litera- 
ture about the events concerning Helena at the 
fall of Troy— in the greater part preserved by 
pictorial art— the opinion of the Latin authors 
differs greatly, as Lilly B. Ghali-Kahil has 
shown**, from the Greek view of Helena. While 
Helena among the Greeks preserves a divine 
spiendour and is also capable of a certain re- 
habilitation, the Romans take a more realistic 
view. In Vergil she appears contemptible and 
odious to the Trojans as well as to the Greeks* 0 . 
She led the attack of the Greeks with light 
signals * 1 and betrayed her second Trojan hus- 


M See Ghau-Kahil, o.c., pp. 71 ff. 

" Schol. Euripid. Andromache 628 ff. (Ibykos). Cf. 
Schol. Arist. Vesp. 714. 

“ Stesichoros Schol. Eurip. Orest. 1287. 

“ O.c., pp. 212 ff. 

M Troiae et patriae communis Erinys', Aen. II, 573. 
"Aen. VI, 515-519. 


band Deiphobos**. She hid herseif in Vesta’s 
temple in fear of both Trojans and Greeks**. 
She is drawn in dark colours also by other 
Roman authors such as Horace** and Seneca* 

Against this background of literary and 
iconographic tradition concerning the fate of 
Helena at the fall of Troy we have to consider 
the engraving on our mirror. There seems to 
be no doubt that the modf sphere is Iliu Persis. 
Odysseus and Diomedes and the men at the 
windlass who owing to the Phrygian caps seem 
to be Trojans show it clearly. But we are left 
in the lurch by both literary and iconographic 
aids when we try to interpret the picture more 
closely. There seem to be two ways of inter- 
preting the Situation. Odysseus and Diomedes 
have Helena lowered down into the well in 
order to hide and protect her from the fury of 
Menelaos and the Greeks— as thanks for the 
help she had given. Or they rescue her out of 
the well into which she had been lowered by the 
Trojans. Certainly the picture very much differs 
from the Greek vase paintings and also from 
the representation on other Etruscan mirrors 
which are wholly in the Greek tradition. The 
representation of Helena here has a burlesquc 
and ridiculing character. We have reason to look 
for the origin of this new variant of the Helena 
myth in the Attic comedy, although most likely 
in the Italic theatre, in a tragedy, a comedy or 
perhaps a mime. The conventional palace back- 
ground which is constant in the mirrors of the 
Kranzspiegelgruppe indicates that the source of 
inspiration is the theatrical stage. 

“Aen. VI, 523 - 527. 

" Aen. II, 567 - 587. 

“Sat. I, 3, 106-108. 

* Cf. Troades, 866-867, 871 -887. 


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S. HaUgren, pp. 36 (Fig. 4), 30. 

N. Lagergren, pp. 5, 7, 9, 10, 12, 20, 27, 32, 33, 39, 43, 44, 52, 55. 


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